The following is a transcript of Sen. Barack Obama's speech on June 04, 2008, as provided by Obama's campaign.
It's great to see so many friends from across the country. I want to congratulate Howard Friedman, David Victor and Howard Kohr on a successful conference, and on the completion of a new headquarters just a few blocks away.
Before I begin, I want to say that I know some provocative emails have been circulating throughout Jewish communities across the country. A few of you may have gotten them. They're filled with tall tales and dire warnings about a certain candidate for President. And all I want to say is - let me know if you see this guy named Barack Obama, because he sounds pretty frightening.
But if anyone has been confused by these emails, I want you to know that today I'll be speaking from my heart, and as a true friend of Israel. And I know that when I visit with AIPAC, I am among friends. Good friends. Friends who share my strong commitment to make sure that the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable today, tomorrow, and forever.
One of the many things that I admire about AIPAC is that you fight for this common cause from the bottom up. The lifeblood of AIPAC is here in this room - grassroots activists of all ages, from all parts of the country, who come to Washington year after year to make your voices heard. Nothing reflects the face of AIPAC more than the 1,200 students who have travelled here to make it clear to the world that the bond between Israel and the United States is rooted in more than our shared national interests - it's rooted in the shared values and shared stories of our people. And as President, I will work with you to ensure that it this bond strengthened.
I first became familiar with the story of Israel when I was eleven years old. I learned of the long journey and steady determination of the Jewish people to preserve their identity through faith, family and culture. Year after year, century after century, Jews carried on their traditions, and their dream of a homeland, in the face of impossible odds.
The story made a powerful impression on me. I had grown up without a sense of roots. My father was black, he was from Kenya, and he left us when I was two. My mother was white, she was from Kansas, and I'd moved with her to Indonesia and then back to Hawaii. In many ways, I didn't know where I came from. So I was drawn to the belief that you could sustain a spiritual, emotional and cultural identity. And I deeply understood the Zionist idea - that there is always a homeland at the center of our story.
I also learned about the horror of the Holocaust, and the terrible urgency it brought to the journey home to Israel. For much of my childhood, I lived with my grandparents. My grandfather had served in World War II, and so had my great uncle. He was a Kansas boy, who probably never expected to see Europe - let alone the horrors that awaited him there. And for months after he came home from Germany, he remained in a state of shock, alone with the painful memories that wouldn't leave his head.
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You see, my great uncle had been a part of the 89th Infantry Division - the first Americans to reach a Nazi concentration camp. They liberated Ohrdruf, part of Buchenwald, on an April day in 1945. The horrors of that camp go beyond our capacity to imagine. Tens of thousands died of hunger, torture, disease, or plain murder - part of the Nazi killing machine that killed 6 million people.
When the Americans marched in, they discovered huge piles of dead bodies and starving survivors. General Eisenhower ordered Germans from the nearby town to tour the camp, so they could see what was being done in their name. He ordered American troops to tour the camp, so they could see the evil they were fighting against. He invited Congressmen and journalists to bear witness. And he ordered that photographs and films be made. Explaining his actions, Eisenhower said that he wanted to produce, "first-hand evidence of these things, if ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations merely to propaganda."
I saw some of those very images at Yad Vashem, and they never leave you. And those images just hint at the stories that survivors of the Shoah carried with them. Like Eisenhower, each of us bears witness to anyone and everyone who would deny these unspeakable crimes, or ever speak of repeating them. We must mean what we say when we speak the words: "never again."
It was just a few years after the liberation of the camps that David Ben-Gurion declared the founding of the Jewish State of Israel. We know that the establishment of Israel was just and necessary, rooted in centuries of struggle, and decades of patient work. But 60 years later, we know that we cannot relent, we cannot yield, and as President I will never compromise when it comes to Israel's security.
Not when there are still voices that deny the Holocaust. Not when there are terrorist groups and political leaders committed to Israel's destruction. Not when there are maps across the Middle East that don't even acknowledge Israel's existence, and government-funded textbooks filled with hatred toward Jews. Not when there are rockets raining down on Sderot, and Israeli children have to take a deep breath and summon uncommon courage every time they board a bus or walk to school.
I have long understood Israel's quest for peace and need for security. But never more so than during my travels there two years ago. Flying in an IDF helicopter, I saw a narrow and beautiful strip of land nestled against the Mediterranean. On the ground, I met a family who saw their house destroyed by a Katyusha Rocket. I spoke to Israeli troops who faced daily threats as they maintained security near the blue line. I talked to people who wanted nothing more simple, or elusive, than a secure future for their children.
I have been proud to be a part of a strong, bi-partisan consensus that has stood by Israel in the face of all threats. That is a commitment that both John McCain and I share, because support for Israel in this country goes beyond party. But part of our commitment must be speaking up when Israel's security is at risk, and I don't think any of us can be satisfied that America's recent foreign policy has made Israel more secure.
Hamas now controls Gaza. Hizbollah has tightened its grip on southern Lebanon, and is flexing its muscles in Beirut. Because of the war in Iraq, Iran - which always posed a greater threat to Israel than Iraq - is emboldened, and poses the greatest strategic challenge to the United States and Israel in the Middle East in a generation. Iraq is unstable, and al Qaeda has stepped up its recruitment. Israel's quest for peace with its neighbors has stalled, despite the heavy burdens borne by the Israeli people. And America is more isolated in the region, reducing our strength and jeopardizing Israel's safety.
The question is how to move forward. There are those who would continue and intensify this failed status quo, ignoring eight years of accumulated evidence that our foreign policy is dangerously flawed. And then there are those who would lay all of the problems of the Middle East at the doorstep of Israel and its supporters, as if the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the root of all trouble in the region. These voices blame the Middle East's only democracy for the region's extremism. They offer the false promise that abandoning a stalwart ally is somehow the path to strength. It is not, it never has been, and it never will be.
Our alliance is based on shared interests and shared values. Those who threaten Israel threaten us. Israel has always faced these threats on the front lines. And I will bring to the White House an unshakeable commitment to Israel's security.
That starts with ensuring Israel's qualitative military advantage. I will ensure that Israel can defend itself from any threat - from Gaza to Tehran. Defense cooperation between the United States and Israel is a model of success, and must be deepened. As President, I will implement a Memorandum of Understanding that provides $30 billion in assistance to Israel over the next decade - investments to Israel's security that will not be tied to any other nation. First, we must approve the foreign aid request for 2009. Going forward, we can enhance our cooperation on missile defense. We should export military equipment to our ally Israel under the same guidelines as NATO. And I will always stand up for Israel's right to defend itself in the United Nations and around the world.
Across the political spectrum, Israelis understand that real security can only come through lasting peace. And that is why we - as friends of Israel - must resolve to do all we can to help Israel and its neighbors to achieve it. Because a secure, lasting peace is in Israel's national interest. It is in America's national interest. And it is in the interest of the Palestinian people and the Arab world. As President, I will work to help Israel achieve the goal of two states, a Jewish state of Israel and a Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and security. And I won't wait until the waning days of my presidency. I will take an active role, and make a personal commitment to do all I can to advance the cause of peace from the start of my Administration.
The long road to peace requires Palestinian partners committed to making the journey. We must isolate Hamas unless and until they renounce terrorism, recognize Israel's right to exist, and abide by past agreements. There is no room at the negotiating table for terrorist organizations. That is why I opposed holding elections in 2006 with Hamas on the ballot. The Israelis and the Palestinian Authority warned us at the time against holding these elections. But this Administration pressed ahead, and the result is a Gaza controlled by Hamas, with rockets raining down on Israel.
The Palestinian people must understand that progress will not come through the false prophets of extremism or the corrupt use of foreign aid. The United States and the international community must stand by Palestinians who are committed to cracking down on terror and carrying the burden of peacemaking. I will strongly urge Arab governments to take steps to normalize relations with Israel, and to fulfill their responsibility to pressure extremists and provide real support for President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. Egypt must cut off the smuggling of weapons into Gaza. Israel can also advance the cause of peace by taking appropriate steps - consistent with its security - to ease the freedom of movement for Palestinians, improve economic conditions in the West Bank, and to refrain from building new settlements - as it agreed to with the Bush Administration at Annapolis.
Let me be clear. Israel's security is sacrosanct. It is non-negotiable. The Palestinians need a state that is contiguous and cohesive, and that allows them to prosper - but any agreement with the Palestinian people must preserve Israel's identity as a Jewish state, with secure, recognized and defensible borders. Jerusalem will remain the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.
I have no illusions that this will be easy. It will require difficult decisions on both sides. But Israel is strong enough to achieve peace, if it has partners who are committed to the goal. Most Israelis and Palestinians want peace, and we must strengthen their hand. The United States must be a strong and consistent partner in this process - not to force concessions, but to help committed partners avoid stalemate and the kind of vacuums that are filled by violence. That's what I commit to do as President of the United States.
The threats to Israel start close to home, but they don't end there. Syria continues its support for terror and meddling in Lebanon. And Syria has taken dangerous steps in pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, which is why Israeli action was justified to end that threat.
I also believe that the United States has a responsibility to support Israel's efforts to renew peace talks with the Syrians. We must never force Israel to the negotiating table, but neither should we ever block negotiations when Israel's leaders decide that they may serve Israeli interests. As President, I will do whatever I can to help Israel succeed in these negotiations. And success will require the full enforcement of Security Council Resolution 1701 in Lebanon, and a stop to Syria's support for terror. It is time for this reckless behavior to come to an end.
There is no greater threat to Israel - or to the peace and stability of the region - than Iran. Now this audience is made up of both Republicans and Democrats, and the enemies of Israel should have no doubt that, regardless of party, Americans stand shoulder-to-shoulder in our commitment to Israel's security. So while I don't want to strike too partisan a note here today, I do want to address some willful mischaracterizations of my positions.
The Iranian regime supports violent extremists and challenges us across the region. It pursues a nuclear capability that could spark a dangerous arms race, and raise the prospect of a transfer of nuclear know-how to terrorists. Its President denies the Holocaust and threatens to wipe Israel off the map. The danger from Iran is grave, it is real, and my goal will be to eliminate this threat.
But just as we are clear-eyed about the threat, we must be clear about the failure of today's policy. We knew, in 2002, that Iran supported terrorism. We knew Iran had an illicit nuclear program. We knew Iran posed a grave threat to Israel. But instead of pursuing a strategy to address this threat, we ignored it and instead invaded and occupied Iraq. When I opposed the war, I warned that it would fan the flames of extremism in the Middle East. That is precisely what happened in Iran - the hardliners tightened their grip, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected President in 2005. And the United States and Israel are less secure.
I respect Senator McCain, and look forward to a substantive debate with him these next five months. But on this point, we have differed, and we will differ. Senator McCain refuses to understand or acknowledge the failure of the policy that he would continue. He criticizes my willingness to use strong diplomacy, but offers only an alternate reality - one where the war in Iraq has somehow put Iran on its heels. The truth is the opposite. Iran has strengthened its position. Iran is now enriching uranium, and has reportedly stockpiled 150 kilos of low enriched uranium. Its support for terrorism and threats toward Israel have increased. Those are the facts, they cannot be denied, and I refuse to continue a policy that has made the United States and Israel less secure.
Senator McCain offers a false choice: stay the course in Iraq, or cede the region to Iran. I reject this logic because there is a better way. Keeping all of our troops tied down indefinitely in Iraq is not the way to weaken Iran - it is precisely what has strengthened it. It is a policy for staying, not a plan for victory. I have proposed a responsible, phased redeployment of our troops from Iraq. We will get out as carefully as we were careless getting in. We will finally pressure Iraq's leaders to take meaningful responsibility for their own future.
We will also use all elements of American power to pressure Iran. I will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. That starts with aggressive, principled diplomacy without self-defeating preconditions, but with a clear-eyed understanding of our interests. We have no time to waste. We cannot unconditionally rule out an approach that could prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. We have tried limited, piecemeal talks while we outsource the sustained work to our European allies. It is time for the United States to lead.
There will be careful preparation. We will open up lines of communication, build an agenda, coordinate closely with our allies, and evaluate the potential for progress. Contrary to the claims of some, I have no interest in sitting down with our adversaries just for the sake of talking. But as President of the United States, I would be willing to lead tough and principled diplomacy with the appropriate Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing - if, and only if - it can advance the interests of the United States.
Only recently have some come to think that diplomacy by definition cannot be tough. They forget the example of Truman, and Kennedy and Reagan. These Presidents understood that diplomacy backed by real leverage was a fundamental tool of statecraft. And it is time to once again make American diplomacy a tool to succeed, not just a means of containing failure. We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If you abandon your dangerous nuclear program, support for terror, and threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives - including the lifting of sanctions, and political and economic integration with the international community. If you refuse, we will ratchet up the pressure.
My presidency will strengthen our hand as we restore our standing. Our willingness to pursue diplomacy will make it easier to mobilize others to join our cause. If Iran fails to change course when presented with this choice by the United States, it will be clear - to the people of Iran, and to the world - that the Iranian regime is the author of its own isolation. That will strengthen our hand with Russia and China as we insist on stronger sanctions in the Security Council. And we should work with Europe, Japan and the Gulf states to find every avenue outside the UN to isolate the Iranian regime - from cutting off loan guarantees and expanding financial sanctions, to banning the export of refined petroleum to Iran, to boycotting firms associated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, whose Quds force has rightly been labeled a terrorist organization.
I was interested to see Senator McCain propose divestment as a source of leverage - not the bigoted divestment that has sought to punish Israeli scientists and academics, but divestment targeted at the Iranian regime. It's a good concept, but not a new one. I introduced legislation over a year ago that would encourage states and the private sector to divest from companies that do business in Iran. This bill has bipartisan support, but for reasons that I'll let him explain, Senator McCain never signed on. Meanwhile, an anonymous Senator is blocking the bill. It is time to pass this into law so that we can tighten the squeeze on the Iranian regime. We should also pursue other unilateral sanctions that target Iranian banks and assets.
And we must free ourselves from the tyranny of oil. The price of a barrel of oil is one of the most dangerous weapons in the world. Petrodollars pay for weapons that kill American troops and Israeli citizens. And the Bush Administration's policies have driven up the price of oil, while its energy policy has made us more dependent on foreign oil and gas. It's time for the United States to take real steps to end our addiction to oil. And we can join with Israel, building on last year's US-Israel Energy Cooperation Act, to deepen our partnership in developing alternative sources of energy by increasing scientific collaboration and joint research and development. The surest way to increase our leverage in the long term is to stop bankrolling the Iranian regime.
Finally, let there be no doubt: I will always keep the threat of military action on the table to defend our security and our ally Israel. Sometimes there are no alternatives to confrontation. But that only makes diplomacy more important. If we must use military force, we are more likely to succeed, and will have far greater support at home and abroad, if we have exhausted our diplomatic efforts.
That is the change we need in our foreign policy. Change that restores American power and influence. Change accompanied by a pledge that I will make known to allies and adversaries alike: that America maintains an unwavering friendship with Israel, and an unshakeable commitment to its security.
As members of AIPAC, you have helped advance this bipartisan consensus to support and defend our ally Israel. And I am sure that today on Capitol Hill you will be meeting with members of Congress and spreading the word. But we are here because of more than policy. We are here because the values we hold dear are deeply embedded in the story of Israel.
Just look at what Israel has accomplished in 60 years. From decades of struggle and the terrible wake of the Holocaust, a nation was forged to provide a home for Jews from all corners of the world - from Syria to Ethiopia to the Soviet Union. In the face of constant threats, Israel has triumphed. In the face of constant peril, Israel has prospered. In a state of constant insecurity, Israel has maintained a vibrant and open discourse, and a resilient commitment to the rule of law.
As any Israeli will tell you, Israel is not a perfect place, but like the United States it sets an example for all when it seeks a more perfect future. These same qualities can be found among American Jews. It is why so many Jewish Americans have stood by Israel, while advancing the American story. Because there is a commitment embedded in the Jewish faith and tradition: to freedom and fairness; to social justice and equal opportunity. To tikkun olam - the obligation to repair this world.
I will never forget that I would not be standing here today if it weren't for that commitment. In the great social movements in our country's history, Jewish and African Americans have stood shoulder to shoulder. They took buses down south together. They marched together. They bled together. And Jewish Americans like Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner were willing to die alongside a black man - James Chaney - on behalf of freedom and equality.
Their legacy is our inheritance. We must not allow the relationship between Jews and African Americans to suffer. This is a bond that must be strengthened. Together, we can rededicate ourselves to end prejudice and combat hatred in all of its forms. Together, we can renew our commitment to justice. Together, we can join our voices together, and in doing so make even the mightiest of walls fall down.
That work must include our shared commitment to Israel. You and I know that we must do more than stand still. Now is the time to be vigilant in facing down every foe, just as we move forward in seeking a future of peace for the children of Israel, and for all children. Now is the time to stand by Israel as it writes the next chapter in its extraordinary journey. Now is the time to join together in the work of repairing this world.
http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/06/27/obama.aipac/index.html
Kamis, 04 Desember 2008
Obama's Father's Day speech
The following is a transcript of Sen. Barack Obama's speech on June 15, 2008, as provided by Obama's campaign.
Good morning. It's good to be home on this Father's Day with my girls, and it's an honor to spend some time with all of you today in the house of our Lord.
At the end of the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus closes by saying, "Whoever hears these words of mine, and does them, shall be likened to a wise man who built his house upon a rock: and the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded upon a rock." [Matthew 7: 24-25]
Here at Apostolic, you are blessed to worship in a house that has been founded on the rock of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior. But it is also built on another rock, another foundation - and that rock is Bishop Arthur Brazier. In forty-eight years, he has built this congregation from just a few hundred to more than 20,000 strong - a congregation that, because of his leadership, has braved the fierce winds and heavy rains of violence and poverty; joblessness and hopelessness. Because of his work and his ministry, there are more graduates and fewer gang members in the neighborhoods surrounding this church. There are more homes and fewer homeless. There is more community and less chaos because Bishop Brazier continued the march for justice that he began by Dr. King's side all those years ago. He is the reason this house has stood tall for half a century. And on this Father's Day, it must make him proud to know that the man now charged with keeping its foundation strong is his son and your new pastor, Reverend Byron Brazier.
Of all the rocks upon which we build our lives, we are reminded today that family is the most important. And we are called to recognize and honor how critical every father is to that foundation. They are teachers and coaches. They are mentors and role models. They are examples of success and the men who constantly push us toward it.
But if we are honest with ourselves, we'll admit that what too many fathers also are is missing - missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men. And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it.
You and I know how true this is in the African-American community. We know that more than half of all black children live in single-parent households, a number that has doubled - doubled - since we were children. We know the statistics - that children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out of schools and twenty times more likely to end up in prison. They are more likely to have behavioral problems, or run away from home, or become teenage parents themselves. And the foundations of our community are weaker because of it.
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How many times in the last year has this city lost a child at the hands of another child? How many times have our hearts stopped in the middle of the night with the sound of a gunshot or a siren? How many teenagers have we seen hanging around on street corners when they should be sitting in a classroom? How many are sitting in prison when they should be working, or at least looking for a job? How many in this generation are we willing to lose to poverty or violence or addiction? How many?
Yes, we need more cops on the street. Yes, we need fewer guns in the hands of people who shouldn't have them. Yes, we need more money for our schools, and more outstanding teachers in the classroom, and more afterschool programs for our children. Yes, we need more jobs and more job training and more opportunity in our communities.
But we also need families to raise our children. We need fathers to realize that responsibility does not end at conception. We need them to realize that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child - it's the courage to raise one.
We need to help all the mothers out there who are raising these kids by themselves; the mothers who drop them off at school, go to work, pick up them up in the afternoon, work another shift, get dinner, make lunches, pay the bills, fix the house, and all the other things it takes both parents to do. So many of these women are doing a heroic job, but they need support. They need another parent. Their children need another parent. That's what keeps their foundation strong. It's what keeps the foundation of our country strong.
I know what it means to have an absent father, although my circumstances weren't as tough as they are for many young people today. Even though my father left us when I was two years old, and I only knew him from the letters he wrote and the stories that my family told, I was luckier than most. I grew up in Hawaii, and had two wonderful grandparents from Kansas who poured everything they had into helping my mother raise my sister and me - who worked with her to teach us about love and respect and the obligations we have to one another. I screwed up more often than I should've, but I got plenty of second chances. And even though we didn't have a lot of money, scholarships gave me the opportunity to go to some of the best schools in the country. A lot of kids don't get these chances today. There is no margin for error in their lives. So my own story is different in that way.
Still, I know the toll that being a single parent took on my mother - how she struggled at times to the pay bills; to give us the things that other kids had; to play all the roles that both parents are supposed to play. And I know the toll it took on me. So I resolved many years ago that it was my obligation to break the cycle - that if I could be anything in life, I would be a good father to my girls; that if I could give them anything, I would give them that rock - that foundation - on which to build their lives. And that would be the greatest gift I could offer.
I say this knowing that I have been an imperfect father - knowing that I have made mistakes and will continue to make more; wishing that I could be home for my girls and my wife more than I am right now. I say this knowing all of these things because even as we are imperfect, even as we face difficult circumstances, there are still certain lessons we must strive to live and learn as fathers - whether we are black or white; rich or poor; from the South Side or the wealthiest suburb.
The first is setting an example of excellence for our children - because if we want to set high expectations for them, we've got to set high expectations for ourselves. It's great if you have a job; it's even better if you have a college degree. It's a wonderful thing if you are married and living in a home with your children, but don't just sit in the house and watch "SportsCenter" all weekend long. That's why so many children are growing up in front of the television. As fathers and parents, we've got to spend more time with them, and help them with their homework, and replace the video game or the remote control with a book once in awhile. That's how we build that foundation.
We know that education is everything to our children's future. We know that they will no longer just compete for good jobs with children from Indiana, but children from India and China and all over the world. We know the work and the studying and the level of education that requires.
You know, sometimes I'll go to an eighth-grade graduation and there's all that pomp and circumstance and gowns and flowers. And I think to myself, it's just eighth grade. To really compete, they need to graduate high school, and then they need to graduate college, and they probably need a graduate degree too. An eighth-grade education doesn't cut it today. Let's give them a handshake and tell them to get their butts back in the library!
It's up to us - as fathers and parents - to instill this ethic of excellence in our children. It's up to us to say to our daughters, don't ever let images on TV tell you what you are worth, because I expect you to dream without limit and reach for those goals. It's up to us to tell our sons, those songs on the radio may glorify violence, but in my house we live glory to achievement, self respect, and hard work. It's up to us to set these high expectations. And that means meeting those expectations ourselves. That means setting examples of excellence in our own lives.
The second thing we need to do as fathers is pass along the value of empathy to our children. Not sympathy, but empathy - the ability to stand in somebody else's shoes; to look at the world through their eyes. Sometimes it's so easy to get caught up in "us," that we forget about our obligations to one another. There's a culture in our society that says remembering these obligations is somehow soft - that we can't show weakness, and so therefore we can't show kindness.
But our young boys and girls see that. They see when you are ignoring or mistreating your wife. They see when you are inconsiderate at home; or when you are distant; or when you are thinking only of yourself. And so it's no surprise when we see that behavior in our schools or on our streets. That's why we pass on the values of empathy and kindness to our children by living them. We need to show our kids that you're not strong by putting other people down - you're strong by lifting them up. That's our responsibility as fathers.
And by the way - it's a responsibility that also extends to Washington. Because if fathers are doing their part; if they're taking our responsibilities seriously to be there for their children, and set high expectations for them, and instill in them a sense of excellence and empathy, then our government should meet them halfway.
We should be making it easier for fathers who make responsible choices and harder for those who avoid them. We should get rid of the financial penalties we impose on married couples right now, and start making sure that every dime of child support goes directly to helping children instead of some bureaucrat. We should reward fathers who pay that child support with job training and job opportunities and a larger Earned Income Tax Credit that can help them pay the bills. We should expand programs where registered nurses visit expectant and new mothers and help them learn how to care for themselves before the baby is born and what to do after - programs that have helped increase father involvement, women's employment, and children's readiness for school. We should help these new families care for their children by expanding maternity and paternity leave, and we should guarantee every worker more paid sick leave so they can stay home to take care of their child without losing their income.
We should take all of these steps to build a strong foundation for our children. But we should also know that even if we do; even if we meet our obligations as fathers and parents; even if Washington does its part too, we will still face difficult challenges in our lives. There will still be days of struggle and heartache. The rains will still come and the winds will still blow.
And that is why the final lesson we must learn as fathers is also the greatest gift we can pass on to our children - and that is the gift of hope.
I'm not talking about an idle hope that's little more than blind optimism or willful ignorance of the problems we face. I'm talking about hope as that spirit inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting for us if we're willing to work for it and fight for it. If we are willing to believe.
I was answering questions at a town hall meeting in Wisconsin the other day and a young man raised his hand, and I figured he'd ask about college tuition or energy or maybe the war in Iraq. But instead he looked at me very seriously and he asked, "What does life mean to you?"
Now, I have to admit that I wasn't quite prepared for that one. I think I stammered for a little bit, but then I stopped and gave it some thought, and I said this:
When I was a young man, I thought life was all about me - how do I make my way in the world, and how do I become successful and how do I get the things that I want.
But now, my life revolves around my two little girls. And what I think about is what kind of world I'm leaving them. Are they living in a county where there's a huge gap between a few who are wealthy and a whole bunch of people who are struggling every day? Are they living in a county that is still divided by race? A country where, because they're girls, they don't have as much opportunity as boys do? Are they living in a country where we are hated around the world because we don't cooperate effectively with other nations? Are they living a world that is in grave danger because of what we've done to its climate?
And what I've realized is that life doesn't count for much unless you're willing to do your small part to leave our children - all of our children - a better world. Even if it's difficult. Even if the work seems great. Even if we don't get very far in our lifetime.
That is our ultimate responsibility as fathers and parents. We try. We hope. We do what we can to build our house upon the sturdiest rock. And when the winds come, and the rains fall, and they beat upon that house, we keep faith that our Father will be there to guide us, and watch over us, and protect us, and lead His children through the darkest of storms into light of a better day. That is my prayer for all of us on this Father's Day, and that is my hope for this country in the years ahead. May God Bless you and your children. Thank you.
http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/06/27/obama.fathers.ay/index.html
Good morning. It's good to be home on this Father's Day with my girls, and it's an honor to spend some time with all of you today in the house of our Lord.
At the end of the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus closes by saying, "Whoever hears these words of mine, and does them, shall be likened to a wise man who built his house upon a rock: and the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded upon a rock." [Matthew 7: 24-25]
Here at Apostolic, you are blessed to worship in a house that has been founded on the rock of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior. But it is also built on another rock, another foundation - and that rock is Bishop Arthur Brazier. In forty-eight years, he has built this congregation from just a few hundred to more than 20,000 strong - a congregation that, because of his leadership, has braved the fierce winds and heavy rains of violence and poverty; joblessness and hopelessness. Because of his work and his ministry, there are more graduates and fewer gang members in the neighborhoods surrounding this church. There are more homes and fewer homeless. There is more community and less chaos because Bishop Brazier continued the march for justice that he began by Dr. King's side all those years ago. He is the reason this house has stood tall for half a century. And on this Father's Day, it must make him proud to know that the man now charged with keeping its foundation strong is his son and your new pastor, Reverend Byron Brazier.
Of all the rocks upon which we build our lives, we are reminded today that family is the most important. And we are called to recognize and honor how critical every father is to that foundation. They are teachers and coaches. They are mentors and role models. They are examples of success and the men who constantly push us toward it.
But if we are honest with ourselves, we'll admit that what too many fathers also are is missing - missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men. And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it.
You and I know how true this is in the African-American community. We know that more than half of all black children live in single-parent households, a number that has doubled - doubled - since we were children. We know the statistics - that children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out of schools and twenty times more likely to end up in prison. They are more likely to have behavioral problems, or run away from home, or become teenage parents themselves. And the foundations of our community are weaker because of it.
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How many times in the last year has this city lost a child at the hands of another child? How many times have our hearts stopped in the middle of the night with the sound of a gunshot or a siren? How many teenagers have we seen hanging around on street corners when they should be sitting in a classroom? How many are sitting in prison when they should be working, or at least looking for a job? How many in this generation are we willing to lose to poverty or violence or addiction? How many?
Yes, we need more cops on the street. Yes, we need fewer guns in the hands of people who shouldn't have them. Yes, we need more money for our schools, and more outstanding teachers in the classroom, and more afterschool programs for our children. Yes, we need more jobs and more job training and more opportunity in our communities.
But we also need families to raise our children. We need fathers to realize that responsibility does not end at conception. We need them to realize that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child - it's the courage to raise one.
We need to help all the mothers out there who are raising these kids by themselves; the mothers who drop them off at school, go to work, pick up them up in the afternoon, work another shift, get dinner, make lunches, pay the bills, fix the house, and all the other things it takes both parents to do. So many of these women are doing a heroic job, but they need support. They need another parent. Their children need another parent. That's what keeps their foundation strong. It's what keeps the foundation of our country strong.
I know what it means to have an absent father, although my circumstances weren't as tough as they are for many young people today. Even though my father left us when I was two years old, and I only knew him from the letters he wrote and the stories that my family told, I was luckier than most. I grew up in Hawaii, and had two wonderful grandparents from Kansas who poured everything they had into helping my mother raise my sister and me - who worked with her to teach us about love and respect and the obligations we have to one another. I screwed up more often than I should've, but I got plenty of second chances. And even though we didn't have a lot of money, scholarships gave me the opportunity to go to some of the best schools in the country. A lot of kids don't get these chances today. There is no margin for error in their lives. So my own story is different in that way.
Still, I know the toll that being a single parent took on my mother - how she struggled at times to the pay bills; to give us the things that other kids had; to play all the roles that both parents are supposed to play. And I know the toll it took on me. So I resolved many years ago that it was my obligation to break the cycle - that if I could be anything in life, I would be a good father to my girls; that if I could give them anything, I would give them that rock - that foundation - on which to build their lives. And that would be the greatest gift I could offer.
I say this knowing that I have been an imperfect father - knowing that I have made mistakes and will continue to make more; wishing that I could be home for my girls and my wife more than I am right now. I say this knowing all of these things because even as we are imperfect, even as we face difficult circumstances, there are still certain lessons we must strive to live and learn as fathers - whether we are black or white; rich or poor; from the South Side or the wealthiest suburb.
The first is setting an example of excellence for our children - because if we want to set high expectations for them, we've got to set high expectations for ourselves. It's great if you have a job; it's even better if you have a college degree. It's a wonderful thing if you are married and living in a home with your children, but don't just sit in the house and watch "SportsCenter" all weekend long. That's why so many children are growing up in front of the television. As fathers and parents, we've got to spend more time with them, and help them with their homework, and replace the video game or the remote control with a book once in awhile. That's how we build that foundation.
We know that education is everything to our children's future. We know that they will no longer just compete for good jobs with children from Indiana, but children from India and China and all over the world. We know the work and the studying and the level of education that requires.
You know, sometimes I'll go to an eighth-grade graduation and there's all that pomp and circumstance and gowns and flowers. And I think to myself, it's just eighth grade. To really compete, they need to graduate high school, and then they need to graduate college, and they probably need a graduate degree too. An eighth-grade education doesn't cut it today. Let's give them a handshake and tell them to get their butts back in the library!
It's up to us - as fathers and parents - to instill this ethic of excellence in our children. It's up to us to say to our daughters, don't ever let images on TV tell you what you are worth, because I expect you to dream without limit and reach for those goals. It's up to us to tell our sons, those songs on the radio may glorify violence, but in my house we live glory to achievement, self respect, and hard work. It's up to us to set these high expectations. And that means meeting those expectations ourselves. That means setting examples of excellence in our own lives.
The second thing we need to do as fathers is pass along the value of empathy to our children. Not sympathy, but empathy - the ability to stand in somebody else's shoes; to look at the world through their eyes. Sometimes it's so easy to get caught up in "us," that we forget about our obligations to one another. There's a culture in our society that says remembering these obligations is somehow soft - that we can't show weakness, and so therefore we can't show kindness.
But our young boys and girls see that. They see when you are ignoring or mistreating your wife. They see when you are inconsiderate at home; or when you are distant; or when you are thinking only of yourself. And so it's no surprise when we see that behavior in our schools or on our streets. That's why we pass on the values of empathy and kindness to our children by living them. We need to show our kids that you're not strong by putting other people down - you're strong by lifting them up. That's our responsibility as fathers.
And by the way - it's a responsibility that also extends to Washington. Because if fathers are doing their part; if they're taking our responsibilities seriously to be there for their children, and set high expectations for them, and instill in them a sense of excellence and empathy, then our government should meet them halfway.
We should be making it easier for fathers who make responsible choices and harder for those who avoid them. We should get rid of the financial penalties we impose on married couples right now, and start making sure that every dime of child support goes directly to helping children instead of some bureaucrat. We should reward fathers who pay that child support with job training and job opportunities and a larger Earned Income Tax Credit that can help them pay the bills. We should expand programs where registered nurses visit expectant and new mothers and help them learn how to care for themselves before the baby is born and what to do after - programs that have helped increase father involvement, women's employment, and children's readiness for school. We should help these new families care for their children by expanding maternity and paternity leave, and we should guarantee every worker more paid sick leave so they can stay home to take care of their child without losing their income.
We should take all of these steps to build a strong foundation for our children. But we should also know that even if we do; even if we meet our obligations as fathers and parents; even if Washington does its part too, we will still face difficult challenges in our lives. There will still be days of struggle and heartache. The rains will still come and the winds will still blow.
And that is why the final lesson we must learn as fathers is also the greatest gift we can pass on to our children - and that is the gift of hope.
I'm not talking about an idle hope that's little more than blind optimism or willful ignorance of the problems we face. I'm talking about hope as that spirit inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better is waiting for us if we're willing to work for it and fight for it. If we are willing to believe.
I was answering questions at a town hall meeting in Wisconsin the other day and a young man raised his hand, and I figured he'd ask about college tuition or energy or maybe the war in Iraq. But instead he looked at me very seriously and he asked, "What does life mean to you?"
Now, I have to admit that I wasn't quite prepared for that one. I think I stammered for a little bit, but then I stopped and gave it some thought, and I said this:
When I was a young man, I thought life was all about me - how do I make my way in the world, and how do I become successful and how do I get the things that I want.
But now, my life revolves around my two little girls. And what I think about is what kind of world I'm leaving them. Are they living in a county where there's a huge gap between a few who are wealthy and a whole bunch of people who are struggling every day? Are they living in a county that is still divided by race? A country where, because they're girls, they don't have as much opportunity as boys do? Are they living in a country where we are hated around the world because we don't cooperate effectively with other nations? Are they living a world that is in grave danger because of what we've done to its climate?
And what I've realized is that life doesn't count for much unless you're willing to do your small part to leave our children - all of our children - a better world. Even if it's difficult. Even if the work seems great. Even if we don't get very far in our lifetime.
That is our ultimate responsibility as fathers and parents. We try. We hope. We do what we can to build our house upon the sturdiest rock. And when the winds come, and the rains fall, and they beat upon that house, we keep faith that our Father will be there to guide us, and watch over us, and protect us, and lead His children through the darkest of storms into light of a better day. That is my prayer for all of us on this Father's Day, and that is my hope for this country in the years ahead. May God Bless you and your children. Thank you.
http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/06/27/obama.fathers.ay/index.html
Rabu, 03 Desember 2008
House prices: How low can they go?
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/property/propertymarket/3530350/House-prices-How-low-can-they-go.html
By Ross Clark
By Ross Clark
As with many properties on the market this year, the sale of Hedgerow Cottage at Barrington, Somerset, has turned into an agonising Dutch auction. In the summer of last year, the four-bedroom detached house was on the market at just over £500,000.
That was always over-ambitious, says Andrew Perry of Greenslade Taylor & Hunt (01460 57222), who took on the property in April at what he regarded as a more realistic price of £475,000. Nevertheless, he never imagined that he would still be trying to sell the property in November, now with its price slashed to £395,000 – exactly the same price for which it sold for new in March 2005.
"It is typical of properties around here this year," says Perry. "We are terribly reliant on people coming down from London and the South East to buy these houses, and the confidence just isn't there. We have taken the price down in stages. In May we reduced it to £460,000 and then to £435,000 in June. Then, we had a sale agreed at £420,000, but it fell through. Since June, it has been reduced to £405,000 and now to £395,000.
"We are still selling properties, but nothing like as many as last year. And now the market seems to have gone into an early Christmas. I think it is going to be late next year before it turns round."
It is a similar tale all over the country. Charles Peerless, of Winkworth, has been trying to sell a two-bedroom flat in Bristol House, on Southampton Row in Bloomsbury, central London, since April – during which time the price has been reduced three times. Starting at £925,000, it came down to £875,000 in June and £795,000 now. And this, he says, is usually one of the easiest blocks to sell. "The market will bottom out when confidence comes back – and that might possibly be in the spring."
No matter how gloomy the economic news, there is – usually – one certainty in the property market: you can cheer yourself up by ringing an estate agent. Yes, prices may have "come off" a little, they will tell you, but don't worry, it won't be too long before your house is making you money again and the doomsters will be confounded.
So what to make of it, then, when even estate agents say they are expecting house prices to plummet next year? Last week, Savills forecast that the average UK home will be worth 11 per cent less by the end of 2009 than it is now. Compounded with a 16 per cent fall in 2008, this would mean that house prices had lost a quarter of their value in two years, wiping an astonishing £1 trillion from the wealth of British home-owners.
Alistair Darling's temporary 2.5 per cent cut in VAT isn't going to make up for that. It is as if the nation has collectively put its life savings on the favourite in the 3.20 at Market Rasen only to watch it stumble at the last.
But given that this time last year – after the run on Northern Rock – Savills predicted prices would rise by 3 per cent in 2008, it is worth asking, even now, whether the estate agency is being a tad optimistic.
One who thinks so is Jonathan Davis, chartered financial planner with Armstrong Davis and spokesman for the cult website www.housepricecrash.co.uk, where those who stayed out of the property boom go to gloat. A few months ago, commentators on the housing market were lining up to pour scorn on his dire predictions. Kirstie Allsopp even called his website "sick". Now, Davis admits he has been wrong about the housing market – but only in as much as it is in a worse state than he had thought.
"In April 2007 I said I thought prices would fall by 25 per cent from peak to trough," he says. "By October 2007, I increased that to 35 per cent. Now, I think prices will fall by 40 to 50 per cent, and the market will not reach a bottom until 2011."
Davis has come up with a new theory on property prices. "Historically, London property has tended to be advantageously priced when the average home is worth 300 ounces in gold," he says. "That has been true for decades. Take the early 1990s crash, for example. In 1993, when the market in London reached the bottom, gold was worth about £225 an ounce. Three hundred times that is £67,500, which is about the same as the average London property at the time. At the moment, gold is around £575 an ounce. Three hundred times that is £172,500."
By contrast, the average London property in October, according to the Land Registry, was £328,927 – suggesting that, according to this theory, prices have a long way to fall, unless, of course, the gold price rises. So should we all be waiting for the moment that the average London house price is aligned with 300 ounces of gold, and then pile in? It isn't that easy, he says, as gold prices tend to work on a 20-year cycle and property on an 18- to 20-year cycle. In any case, Davis believes, it might be worth hanging on to your gold. "In spite of the falls this autumn, the gold price is on a long-term bull run, which started in 2000."
Even among the so-called "pessimists" – from the point of view of frustrated first-time buyers they were, of course, optimists – none guessed that the Halifax house-price index would have fallen 15 per cent in just 12 months from its peak in October 2007. But there were plenty of clues that homes were horribly over-valued and were due for a severe correction. A graph produced by the Nationwide illustrates the long-term trend in "real" house prices – that is, adjusted for inflation. This shows a repeated series of booms, where real house prices have ventured above the gently rising long-term trend in prices, and busts, when prices have dipped below the trend. House prices last crossed the line in 2002, and in spite of the marked fall in the past 12 months, remain well above trend – suggesting the correction is far from over.
Anyone who argues that the lowest interest rates for over 50 years will make things different this time round misses an important point: house prices are governed not only by interest rates, but by the availability of credit. With the banks in desperate need of cash and the international credit markets – source of so much cheap lending over the past decade – still severely restricted, there will be a freeze on credit even if base rates go to zero. The only people who are really benefiting from low interest rates are the lucky few who took out Bank of England base rate tracker mortgages over the past couple of years.
There is also the matter of negative sentiment. Who wants to buy a house at any price, knowing that it is likely to be worth less in six months' time? The panic-buying that helped drive prices up as people worried they would miss their opportunity to buy has been utterly reversed. As Davis points out, the negative sentiment will only be corrected when once again it becomes cheaper to buy than to rent – and that is some time off, especially so since the latest survey by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors confirms that rents are now falling across the country.
Another figure in the housing market whom one ignores at one's peril is Fred Harrison, a former investigative journalist who set up his own think-tank, the Land Reform Trust. His prescience has been impressive. Soon after Gordon Brown became Chancellor in 1997, he warned: "By 2007 Britain and most of the other industrially advanced economies will be in the throes of frenzied activity in the land market to equal what happened in 1988/89. Land prices will be near their 18-year peak, driven by an exponential growth rate, on the verge of the collapse that will presage the global depression of 2010." He repeated the forecast in his 2005 book, Boom Bust: House Prices, Banking and the Depression of 2010, which predicted that the collapse in house prices would be followed by a slump. So what does he see in his crystal ball?
"It is going to be two to three years before we reach any sort of bottom, and even then in most regions prices won't recover for at least a decade. In 2005 I predicted that house prices would fall by 20 per cent from top to bottom. Last year I revised that to 30 per cent. Now, it is clear they are going to fall further than that. Nothing is going to improve until our vast household debt has been eliminated."
The housing market, he believes, is governed by an 18-year cycle and bust – which can be traced back to the 18th century using data gathered from such things as brick sales. The last peaks of the housing market occurred in 1989 and 2007, so by Harrison's reckoning we are due for the next boom to reach its apogee in 2025.
No one is quite sure when it will be safe to buy property again – but at least we all know when we should next sell.
- Bristol House, Bloomsbury, London: Winkworths (0207 240 3322); Hedgerow Cottage, Ilminster: Greenslade Taylor Hunt (01460 57222); Rectory Farmhouse, Pickering: Beanland Illingworth (01751 475557); St Maurs Cottage, Penhow: Archer & Co (01291 626262); Hundon Grange, Sudbury: Bedfords (01284 769999); Tickerage Castle, Blackboys: Batcheller Thacker (01892 512 020).
Property market by area
The latest quarterly house price survey suggests that nowhere has escaped the slump in prices. London prices, which had been slower to turn than elsewhere, are now falling faster than anywhere in the country with the exception of Wales – where deflation in house prices has hit 16.6 per cent. The least cold spot is West Midlands, though that is of little consolation to anyone who bought in 2007: prices there have still managed to fall by 9.5 per cent over the year.
Predictions that the prime London property market would remain aloof from the slump have proved wide of the mark: a separate survey by Savills estate agent suggests that prime London property prices will end the year 18 to 20 per cent down on their level at the end of 2007. Knight Frank’s prime property index shows prices down 13.4 per cent over the 12 months to October, with a huge 3.9 per cent plunge in October itself.
London -16.5%
South East -12.2 %
East -13.3%
South West -12.9%
East Midlands -13.1%
West Midlands -9.5%
Yorkshire & Humberside -14.2%
North West -10.5%
North -9.3%
Wales -16.6%
Scotland -6%
- Halifax quarterly survey
How Hitler perverted the course of science
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/scienceandtechnology/science/sciencenews/3540339/How-Hitler-perverted-the-course-of-science.html
By Richard Evans
By Richard Evans
We all have an image in our minds of the role of scientists in Nazi Germany: sinister, lab-coated figures who spent half their time conducting gruesome – and largely pointless – experiments on concentration‑camp inmates to gratify their own cruel impulses, and the other half devising futuristic weapons of mass destruction for Hitler to hurl at the advancing Allies in a last attempt to stave off defeat.
Yet once you dig a little deeper, what is so disturbing is how prosaic the reality was, how similar in form, if not content, their work was to the research of today. As I discovered when researching a history of the Nazis at war, much of what scientists did under the Third Reich was regarded as "normal science", subject to standard protocols of peer review in conferences and journals. The infamous Dr Josef Mengele regarded himself as a normal scientist, held seminars to discuss his experiments, got research funds from the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin, and reported regularly to his teacher, the eminent scientist Otmar von Verschuer, on his progress.
Mengele's research at Auschwitz, in particular, shows how the system worked. His experiments there were intended to be a contribution to his second doctorate, the Habilitation, which all German academics needed to qualify for a university professorship. Under Verschuer's guidance, he selected twins from the trainloads of Jews who arrived and injected them with chemicals to see if they reacted differently from one another. He collected prisoners with physical abnormalities, such as heterochromia – having a different colour in each eye – to investigate if their condition was hereditary. He treated gipsy and other children for starvation-related diseases, using vitamins and sulphonamides, to see if there were hereditary differences in their response to the therapy.
Mengele's work was pure research, without any obvious practical application. He gained his notoriety from his willingness to kill his subjects under certain circumstances – such as settling an argument about a diagnosis by executing patients and performing an autopsy. However, most survivors remembered him not for his experiments but for his ruthless and brutal behaviour on the selection ramp, or in the camp hospital, where he frequently consigned sick inmates to the gas chamber on the slightest of whims.
But Mengele was only one of a number of scientists in Nazi Germany who carried out research on involuntary human subjects. Karl Gebhardt and Fritz Fischer had women prisoners in the Ravensbrück concentration camp injected with harmful microbes. They then tested new drugs on the prisoners, presenting the results to a scientific conference.
Many such projects were directly conceived as practical contributions to the German war effort. In a variety of camps, SS doctors used inmates to test treatments for injuries sustained in battle, cutting open their calves and sewing bits of glass or wood or gauze impregnated with bacteria into the wounds, sometimes even smashing the prisoners' bones with hammers to create a more realistic effect; again, the results were presented to scientific conferences without anyone offering any criticism of the methods employed.
Perhaps the most enthusiastic user of human guinea pigs was the ambitious young SS doctor Sigmund Rascher, who employed camp inmates at Dachau to test the human body's reactions to rapid decompression and lack of oxygen, in an attempt to help pilots forced to parachute out of their planes at high altitudes. He called some of his research sessions "terminal experiments". He measured the time it took his subjects to die as their air supply was gradually thinned out. He showed his work, which led to the deaths of between 70 and 80 prisoners, to a conference of Luftwaffe medical experts in September 1942.
The following month, Rascher presented the results of another experiment to a conference of 95 medical scientists in Nuremberg. This time, he showed how long inmates dressed in Luftwaffe uniforms and life jackets could survive in cold water, simulating conditions in the North Sea. The average time that elapsed before death, he reported, was 70 minutes. None of those listening to him raised any ethical objections.
How can we explain such obvious violations of basic medical ethics? How, indeed, did the doctors justify such work? The answer springs from the fact that medicine was both dominant in the world of science under the Third Reich, and closely allied to the Nazi project. By 1939, almost half of all students at German universities were studying medicine; the others were spread across the whole range of other subjects. The Nazis poured resources into medicine, increasing doctors' pay, setting up new health care facilities for "Aryan" citizens, creating large numbers of new jobs in the rapidly expanding armed forces and opening new institutes for "racial hygiene" at many universities. By 1939, around two thirds of all German doctors had some connection or other with the Nazi Party.
From 1933 to 1939, German doctors implemented the forcible sterilisation of some 360,000 Germans suffering from a variety of ailments thought to be inherited, including alcoholism and "feeble-mindedness". Similar operations were carried out in other countries, such as Sweden and Switzerland, but this was by far the largest.
And no other country took the next crucial step, which German medical scientists began as soon as the war broke out, of killing these unfortunates. Some 70,000 people were put to death in specially constructed gas chambers in German mental hospitals, with at least as many more being killed by starvation or lethal injection.
What underpinned this behaviour was a widespread belief that some people were less than human, relegated to a lower plane of existence by their inherited degeneracy – or their race. For German doctors, a camp inmate was either a racially inferior subhuman, a vicious criminal, a traitor to the German cause, or more than one of the above. Such beings had no right to life or wellbeing – indeed, it was logical that they should be sacrificed in the interests of the survival and triumph of the German race, just as that race had to be strengthened by the elimination of the inferior, degenerate elements within it. After all, German medical science had uncovered the causes of several major diseases and contributed massively to improving the health of the population over the previous decades. Surely, therefore, it was justified in eliminating negative influences as well?
The doctors were strong German nationalists, dismayed by the international humiliation suffered by the Weimar Republic after 1918, and cheered by the Third Reich's restoration of Germany's status in the world. In medicine, and other areas of science, too, Jews, liberals, democrats and socialists had been booted out in 1933. Also, as in other countries, it seemed to be science's duty to help the war effort.
German physicists and engineers built solid- and liquid-fuel rockets, worked on developing an atomic bomb, invented nerve gases such as sarin, produced a cruise missile (the V-1), and much more besides. Claims made by some of them after the war that they deliberately delayed or sabotaged such research are not very convincing. They pushed ahead as far and as fast as they could, like scientists in other belligerent countries.
There were, however, too many such projects for Germany's resources to sustain, and the regime was not capable of deciding which one to prioritise. Key raw materials, from uranium and plutonium to petroleum and steel, were never available in sufficient quantities, and factories and laboratories were increasingly made unviable by Allied air attacks. These scientists were not necessarily Nazis, but enthusiasm for, or at least loyalty to, the national cause of Germany sustained many of them in their research and development work. But fortunately for us, all their efforts came to nothing.
Richard J Evans is Regius Professor of Modern History at the University of Cambridge. His new book, 'The Third Reich at War' (Allen Lane/The Penguin Press), is available from Telegraph Books for £26 + £1.25 p&p. To order, call 0844 871 1515 or go to books.telegraph.co.uk
Mumbai attacks: the terrorists' tactics
by Amir Taheri
The Army of Muhammad is back. This was the message buzzing in radical Islamist circles yesterday as the world tried to absorb the shock of the terrorist attacks in Bombay, India's economic capital.
While it is not yet clear which group was behind the attacks, it looks as if the perpetrators were trying to imitate the tactic of ghazwa, used by the Prophet against Meccan caravans in his decade-long campaign to seize control of the city.
The tactic consists of surprise no-holds-barred attacks simultaneously launched against a caravan or settlement with the aim of demoralising the enemy and hastening his capitulation.
The Bombay attacks differed from previous terror operations in India in a number of ways. In the past, one approach had been to place explosive-packed devices in crowded places with the aim of killing large numbers at random. Another was suicide attacks on specific targets by lone "volunteers for martyrdom".
This time, however, the approach was "symphonic", in the sense that it involved different types of operations blended together.
Involved in the operations were men who had placed explosives at selected points. But there were also gunmen operating in classic military style by seizing control of territory at symbolically significant locations along with hostages. Then there were militants prepared to kill, and be killed, in grenade attacks against security forces.
Whoever designed the operations had another important Islamic tactic in mind: tabarra or exoneration.
This consists of separating the "outsider", in this case the British and American "infidel", from the community with the intent of blaming them for the ills of the world before sacrificing them. It was no accident that one of the places attacked was a Jewish centre, where gunmen seized a rabbi and several members of the congregation as hostages.
The loud message was that a small group of individuals could turn a megalopolis of almost 15 million inhabitants into a battlefield for at least a day.
Terrorism is a beast with an extraordinary ability to mutate. As soon as its victims have learnt to cope with its methods, it develops new ones. Groups of anarchists throwing bombs follow the lone assassin who would target a king or a political leader. The hijacking of passenger jets is replaced by the transformation of aircraft into missiles against fixed targets.
All the time, the intention is to terrorise the largest number of people, eroding the ordinary man's confidence in the ability of the authorities to protect him, and, in the long run, persuading a majority of the people, who just want to live their lives, to trade their freedom for the security that the terrorist promises in his utopia.
Although new to India, the tactic of "symphonic" attacks has been tried in a number of other countries in the past decade, notably Algeria, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, at times with devastating effects.
Most recently, it was tried, on a smaller scale, by the Taliban in the Afghan city of Qala-Mussa. Theoretically, the tactic could be used in any city, from Bombay to New York, passing through London and Paris.
On Wednesday, it was obvious that India's various anti-terror units were surprised, unable to cope with methods of operations not mentioned in their manuals.
So far the only claim of responsibility has came from a hitherto unknown group using the name the "Deccan Mujahedin".
This may be a cover for other groups, perhaps the Lashkar Tayyiba (the Army of the Pure) and the Jaish Muhammad (the Army of Muhammad), two terrorist organisations created by the Pakistani military intelligence services.
Earlier this year, in one of his last acts as president, Pervez Musharraf announced the dissolution of both, but it is possible that the two groups and their backers in the Pakistani military and intelligence elite have returned to the market under a new brand, with new tactics.
The attacks came 48 hours after Pakistan's new president, Asif Ali Zardari, practically threw away 50 years of Pakistani policy by announcing his readiness to end the dispute with India over Kashmir.
Zardari is an ethnic Baluch who, unlike previous Pakistani leaders who had Indian backgrounds, has no direct family history in pre-partition India. As a result, he is not as sensitive on Kashmir as his predecessors.
The Bombay attacks could be a message to Zardari that, though he may be uninterested in Kashmir, the issue is still central to many in Pakistan.
The new label used may also be significant. Deccan, a region in south-central India, was the intellectual and cultural capital of Indian Islam for centuries.
By using the term "Deccan Mujahedin", the terrorists may be trying to pass two messages. First, that the Islamist movement is no longer interested only in Kashmir but intends to strive for the reconquest of the whole of India for Islam.
This runs in line with the new pan-Islamist thinking that propagates the will to recover all lands once ruled by Muslims – from India to Spain and southern France, passing by Siberia, parts of Russia and the Balkans. "Deccan" designates a movement that has universal aspirations precisely because it claims local roots.
The designation is also intended to show that India now has a home-grown Islamist terror movement.
This started to form more than a decade ago after Hindu nationalists won power in New Delhi through the BJP and its radical anti-Muslim allies. The Islamist terror movement has adopted what is known as the Matryoshka method, after the Russian dolls nested one into another. The outer and bigger doll in this case is the Students' Islamic Movement of India (Simi), which claims millions of members.
Indian authorities call Simi an antechamber of terrorism. Within it are nested other dolls in the form of cultural associations, charities and political lobby groups. The smallest and deadliest doll represents the kind of groups that may have been behind these attacks.
The need for a home-grown terror movement in India may have been further emphasised by the success of the US-led coalition in destroying virtually all Islamist training bases and safe havens in Afghanistan.
With Pakistan also becoming inhospitable, partly thanks to Zardari's apparent determination to move his country close to both India and the United States, Indian Islamists are forced to look for training centres and safe havens at home.
While many have mentioned al-Qaeda as the perpetrator of the latest attacks, the connection is not easy to establish.
Many experts believe al-Qaeda has ceased to exist as an organisation, although it survives as a model and inspiration. Al-Qaeda's number two, the Egyptian-born Ayman al-Zawahiri, has been calling on militants to refocus their efforts on winning power in Muslim countries such as India, which is home to 150 million Muslims, and thus the largest "Muslim" country in the world, ahead of Indonesia.
This is in contrast with Osama bin Laden's theory that the US and its Western allies must be prime targets because, if they fall, the world system they dominate will disintegrate, opening the way for Islam's final triumph.
It is possible that al-Zawahiri's writings influenced the Bombay attackers. But it is unlikely that he and al-Qaeda had any direct role in planning or executing them.
There are other reasons why India is targeted. Over the past five years, it has emerged as the largest aid donor to Afghanistan and the second most important backer of President Hamid Karzai's regime after the US.
The buzz in jihadist circles is that once the US and its allies have left, India will emerge as the principal foreign power behind the new democracy in Afghanistan. India is already playing a leading role in training and equipping the new Afghan army and police.
India has also moved from its traditional anti-Americanism to a new policy of close friendship with the US. Earlier this year, India signed a landmark nuclear co-operation agreement, paving the way for massive purchases of American military hardware in the future.
In jihadist circles, the new Indian economic boom is often described as the "House of the Spider", a reference to a sura of the same name in the Koran, Islam's holy book. On Wednesday, the attackers may have wished to show the flimsy nature of the "House of the Spider" by attacking Bombay, the engine of India's economic transformation.
However, if that was the intention, the terrorists are likely to be disappointed. Bombay and India in general have been victims of terror before, although not in so spectacular a fashion. And yet they have managed to absorb the shock and move ahead.
As always, the terrorists may end up like the man who, having won a great many tokens at the roulette table, is surprised when the casino tells him his winnings cannot be cashed.
Amir Taheri is author of 'Holy Terror: Inside the World of Islamic Terrorism'. His new book, 'The Persian Night', will be published next month.
Palm oil round table 'a farce'
By Ian Wood
Last Updated: 5:19PM GMT 28 Nov 2008
Greenpeace has branded the Round Table on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) "a farce" following their failure to take action against members they say are destroying Indonesia's peat lands and forests.
A draft resolution calling for an immediate moratorium on logging in areas of high value protected forests did not even make it on to the agenda.
Before their recent annual meeting in Bali there was hope that the new resolution would have forced members to cease logging in important areas of forest as determined by new digital maps.
"The rapid loss of forests in Indonesia and the current climate crisis needs strong leadership from the global business community," said Bustar Maitar, Greenpeace southeast Asia forest campaigner.
"However the RSPO has failed dismally to take up the challenge.
"'Sustainable palm oil' continues to be a farce while RSPO stands exposed as a weak and ineffectual industry body."
The coalition of members that make up the RSPO include NGO's such as WWF and Oxfam along with both producers and major users of palm oil.
Unilever is one of the world's largest purchasers of palm oil and has been under pressure from Greenpeace not to deal with companies who are destroying critical areas of rainforest.
Unilever's sustainable agriculture director, Jan Kees Vis, is also president of the RSPO executive board. Unilever did recently pledge to purchase only sustainable palm oil by 2015 but the argument over how this is certified continues.
Following pressure from Greenpeace, Unilever developed a draft resolution calling for a moratorium on logging in areas of high value forest that was due to be voted on in Bali last week.
However, to the dismay of many conservationists, the resolution was removed from the schedule of the RSPO meeting.
"If the RSPO had any integrity then it would have taken urgent action. For Greenpeace it is clear that the current RSPO standards are too weak, are not implemented and are clearly failing to address this rampant deforestation," said Tim Birch, Greenpeace international forest campaigner.
Recently a shipment labelled 'sustainable' palm oil arrived in Holland to coincide with the annual general meeting of the RSPO.
The 500 tons of palm oil was destined for Unilever and was cited as proof that sustainable palm oil was at last being produced.
However Greenpeace has produced a report which they say casts doubt on the company that produced the shipment.
It came originally from United Plantations who were the first palm oil producer to be RSPO-certified. Although the certification of United Plantations only applies to their Malaysian operations they are also under an obligation to ensure that their other interests meet certain minimum requirements.
This process, known as partial certification, was developed by environmental groups within the RSPO to ensure that companies could not attract buyers of sustainable palm oil from showcase plantations while destroying forests and peat lands elsewhere.
Greenpeace alleges that United Plantations and its subsidiaries are embroiled in a number of illegal non-compliant activities in Indonesia including deep peat forest conversion and land disputes with local community members.
United Plantations said the Greenpeace report was based on "misconceptions and misunderstandings".
In relation to the development of peat land they point out that RSPO criteria stipulates: "Planting on extensive areas of peat soils and other fragile soils should be avoided."
United Plantations claim that their estimated peat area in Kalimantan, Indonesia, amounts to 3,800 hectares which constitutes 11 per cent of their entire Indonesian land bank.
Of this total area of peat forest they say they have planted 604 hectares with palm oil which would fit in with the criteria of the RSPO.
Even with the advance of digital mapping and GPS systems the reality is that it is hard to monitor exactly what is happening in remote areas of Indonesia. Land ownership laws are confusing and often the palm oil companies have been granted their concessions by central Indonesian government.
United Plantations admit their properties contain a number of local communities who claim traditional land ownership and/or user rights. As part of the process in obtaining their operational permit they need to get the full consent of communities involved.
"This is arguably the most tedious and challenging part of land acquisition in Indonesia, because there is rarely consensus among villagers pertaining to trading of traditional land.
"Therefore land acquisition often necessitates negotiations directly with each family who owns a piece of land.
"It cannot be emphasised enough that villagers' approval are of utmost importance to the palm oil business. It takes merely one discontented villager to cause massive havoc in and around the estates," United Plantations said.
They claim that the specific case raised by Greenpeace pertaining to land conflicts involved the falsification of land ownership documents by a villager who they also claim assaulted an employee of United Plantations.
There is certainly a growing demand for sustainable palm oil as many users do not want to be associated with the destruction of rainforest and the threat to endangered species including the orang-utan.
United Plantations say their 500 ton shipment that recently arrived in Europe was a major milestone and that the allegations made by Greenpeace are "unfounded".
A resolution put forward by the Swiss NGO PanEco to force the RSPO to act to protect an area of peat forest swamp in Sumatra was narrowly approved.
The Tripa area of forest in North West Sumatra is home to one of just six remaining viable populations of the critically endangered Sumatran orang-utan and contains millions of tons of carbon dioxide that is being released into the atmosphere as it is destroyed.
The palm oil company PT Astra Agro Lestari are running one of the concessions in Tripa that has about 6,000 hectares of virgin forest located on peat swamp. This is a legal concession granted by Indonesian central government some time ago.
PT Astra Agro Lestari supply Unilever with palm oil and under the terms of this resolution the RSPO is forced to write to PT Astra Agro Lestari and members that have business relationships with them to explain their concern regarding their activities.
Because Unilever is such a key member of the RSPO it is hoped that this could help persuade PT Astra Agro Lestari to move its concession to more suitable land.
Rabu, 26 November 2008
Teknik Persidangan
Istilah persidangan atau rapat terkadang digunakan untuk pegertian yang sama. Namun sering juga tidak dapat dipersamakan begitu saja. Bagaimana kaidah kedua istilah tersebut kita serahkan saja pada ahli bahasa. Untuk memudahkan perbincangan kita dalam memahami bentuk dan metode persidangan, kita dapat berangkat dari kalimat “suatu rapat mungkin terdiri dari satu persidangan, tetapi ada juga rapat yang terdiri dari banyak persidangan dengan satu atau banyak metode”. Contoh: Rapat Pengurus PNB Daerah, sidang dengan berbagai metode : Sidang Pleno, Sidang Komisi, Sidang Panitia Kerja, dan Sidang Panitia Khusus. Walaupun sebenarnya semua bentuk/ metode persidangan tersebut sangat jarang sekali dipakai. Untuk itu dalam memudahkan kita untuk melaksanakan suatu persidangan kita bisa mengenal beberapa bentuk persidangan/ rapat yang sering dilakukan secara umum dan metode/ tehnik yang sering dipakai.
Beberapa bentuk persidangan yang dikenal :
1. Kuliah (Lecture)
Adalah persidangan dengan seorang pembicara di hadapan pendengar. Digunakan :
a. Bila ingin memberikan informasi
b. Jika pendengar sudah termotifasi
c. Apabila pembicara seornag ahli dan pandai menggunakan ilustrasi
d. Apabila kelompk pendengar terlalu banyak.
e. Apabila ingin menekan / menguatkan apa – apa yang telah dibaca oleh pendegar.
2. Diskusi Kelompok
Adalah suatu perbincangan yang terencana dan tersusun diantara tiga orang atau lebih dengan suatu topik tertentu dan pembicaraan dilakukan secara terpinpin.
Digunakan :
a. Jika ingin melakukan pendekatan yang demokratis.
b. Jika ingin melakukan atau mengibarkan ide atau informasi.
c. Jika kita ingin membicarakan suatu masalah kepada anggota dan meningkatkan penghayatan dan tanggung jawab terhadap masalah tersebut.
d. Jika kita ingin mengembangkan suatu titik pandang.
e. Jika kita ingin mengembangkan kepemimpinan.
Ciri – ciri :
- Ada kontak emosional yang tinggi dan kemungkinan saling mempengaruhi diantara anggota.
- Bersifat informal dan santai.
- Anggota dapat diarahkan untuk berfikir secara kelompok, mengembangkan kerja sama dan menghilangkan perbedaan.
3. Panel diskusi
4. Simposium
5. Wok Shop
6. Brain Storming
7. Debate
8. Roll Playing
9. dll
Persidangan yang buruk.
Berikut ini adalah daftar beberapa keluhan yang sering terjadi dalam suatu persidangan/ rapat. Berikan tanda √ pada bagian yang sesuai dengan pengalaman anda dalam melaksanakan suatu rapat.
□ Orang yang mengundang anda tidak hadir.
□ Peserta terlambat
□ Peserta tidak hadir.
□ Peserta terlalu cepat meninggalkan persidangan.
□ Peserta melamun, memikirkan hal lain yang dapat mereka lakukan atau bahkan tertidur.
□ Terlalu banyak peserta yang berbicara pada saat bersamaan.
□ Pembicaraan didominasi oleh seorang atau beberapa orang saja.
□ Pemimpin mendominasi.
□ Para pesertsa saling menyerang pribadi peserta lain.
□ Tak ada satupun pokok persoalan yang dapat diselesaikan.
□ Bertele – tele.
□ Mengambang
□ Protes : Salah satu atau beberapa peserta meninggalkan ruangan.
□ Sebagian peserta tidak dapat menerima keputusan.
□ Terjadi kontak fisik, lempar sepatu, lempar kursi atau gebrak meja.
□ Terjadi rapat dalam rapat.
□ Pihak lain diluar peserta menyela persidangan.
□ Suasana tidak nyaman,ribut, gaduh.
□ Topik yang dibahas merupakan pengulangan dari topik – topik sebelumnya.
□ NATO : No Action Talk Only
□ ………………………………………………………………………………
□ ……………………………………………………………………………….
□ ………………………………………………………………………………..
□ ………………………………………………………………………………..
□ …………………………………………………………………………………
□ ………………………………………………………………………………….
(silahkan tuliskan pengalaman anda yang belum termuat)
Sumber masalah - masalah di atas dapat diklasifikasikan dalam beberapa bagian :
1. Persiapan
a. Penyelenggara :
- Pastikan undangan sudah terdistribusi.
- Susun agenda.
- Tentukan tujuan.
- Pilih metode.
- Estimasi waktu dengan baik.
- Siapkan peralatan yang dibutuhkan.
b. Peserta.
- Hadir tepat waktu.
- Persiapkan diri.
- Cari informasi sebanyak mungkin tentang masalah yang akan dibahas.
- Siapkan peralatan yang dibutuhkan.
2. Pelaksanaan
1. Pimpinan Sidang
Pemimpin persidangan adalah faktor yang sangat menentukan dalam kelancaran suatu persidangan. Semua arus informasi dan mekanisme pembicaraan diatur dan diformulasikan sedemikian rupa dengan bijaksana, objektif, luwes tanpa mengurangi wibawa dan dilakukan dengan tegas.
Ada berbagai macam fungsi dari seorang pemimpin sidang, yang pada umumnya berguna agar persidangan lancar dan efektif, yaitu :
- Sebagai pengarah.
- Sebagai layar pemantul
- Mediator.
- Pencari jalan keluar.
- Motifator.
- Sebagai pengambil kesimpulan dan keputusan atas nama perserta.
Pemimpin sidang dituntut dapat mengatur waktu bicara, mengarahkan dan memilih pembicara agar apa yang menjadi tujuan dapat dicapai rumusannya, tetap aspiratif dan diterima semua pihak. Beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan pemimpin sidang (dan peserta), adalah :
- Tingkat emosional.
- Penampilan
- Perbedaan usia
- Pengalaman dan latar belakang.
- Kebiasaan, dll
Bagi seorang pemimpin persidangan, dengan mengenal watak dan karakter dari masing – masing peserta, maka akan lebih mudah baginya untuk mengarahkan jalannya persidangan. Ini memang sulit dilakukan apalagi jika pesertanya orang – orang yang belum dikenal datau belum pernah berinteraksi dengannya.
Pemimpin sidang hendaknya juga memperhatikan tipe – tipe peserta yang dipimpinnya agar dapat mengarahkan persidangan dengan baik. Terdapat tujuh tipe peserta, yaitu :
Ø Pemersatu.
Ø Pendengar
Ø Perantara
Ø Pemberi Semangat
Ø Pengambil Inisiatif
Ø Pemberi informasi.
Ø Penyerang.
Ø Akan tetapi ada type baru yang muncul dan sering terjadi dalam suatu rapat, yaitu type perusuh.
Sebab orang dengan type seperti ini muncul/ datang hanya untuk merusuhi (memprovokasi) dan mengganggu peserta dalam rapat/ persidangan.
Seorang pemimpin sidang yang baik adalah yang memiliki ciri – ciri sebagai berikut:
1. Mengetahui teknik – teknik pengendalian persidangan
2. Cakap mengkombinasikan teknik pengendalian yang bebas, terbatas dan ketat.
3. Cepat mengenal dan memahami situasi.
4. Mampu mengenali dengan cepat type – type peserta.
5. Cakap mengutarakan pendapat.
6. Cakap menangkap dan mampu menganalisa dan menguraikan setiap pembicaraan.
7. Cakap mengambil kesimpulan pembicara.
8. Cakap mengambil jalan keluar bila sidang mengalami jalan buntu.
9. Mampu memahami faktor psikologis peserta serta mampu memotifasi peserta untuk
mengambil peranan.
10. Memiliki stamina yang tinggi
11. Tidak berbicara panjang lebar.
12. Tidak memaksakan pendapat.
13. Tidak membantah.
2. Peserta
Interupsi adalah suatu tindakan dari seorang untuk menyela, memotong, menghentikan suatu proses pembicaraan dalam suatu persidangan. Terdapat 4 jenis interupsi, yaitu :
a. Point of Order (PO)
Jika kita menyela pembicaraan yang sedang berjalan dan kita melihat bahwa apa yang kita sampaikan berhubungan langsung dengan pembicaraan dan akan memperlancar pembicaraan.
b. Point of Information (PI)
Jika kita ingin memberikan informasi untuk menjelaskan atau menambah bahan pertimbangan pada persoalan yang sedang dibahas.
c. Point of Clarification (PC)
Diajukan untuk mengklarifikasi suatu permasalahan sehingga permasalahan tersebut menjadi jelas, untuk memperjelas sesuatu yang telah kita sampaikan sebelumnya tetapi tidak dimengerti atau ditafsirkan berbeda oleh peserta lainnya, dapat juga disampaikan untuk memberi penjelasan tentang sesuatu yang telah disampaikan orang lain.
d. Point of Personal Privilage (PP)
Diajukan untuk membela diri (merehabilitir) sehubungan dengan pembicaraan yang sedang berlangsung yang menyinggung hak pribadi (privilage), misalnya : hinaan, fitnah, dll.
3. Aturan main.
Selain faktor pemimpin dan peserta sidang, aturan main atau tata tertib sangat penting untuk memperlancar suatu persidangan. Tata tertib persidangan ini hendaknya memuat beberapa hal, yaitu :
1. Siapa dan apa tugas pemimpin persidangan.
2. Tahapan persidangan atau agenda persidangan.
3. Siapa peserta, apa hak dan kewajibannya.
4. Bagaimana cara pengambilan keputusan.
5. Bentuk – bentuk persidangan, yaitu : Sidang pleno, sidang komisi, sidang panitia kerja, sidang panitia khusus,
6. Dan lain – lain yang dianggab perlu diatur.
Disamping tata tertib tertulis, berbagai hal teknis biasanya diserahkan kepada Stering Committee atau Pengurus / penanggung jawab organisasi. Ada beberapa hal yang menjadi kesepakatan tak tertulis yang berlaku pada berbagai persidangan / rapat, seperti :
a. Hendaknya setiap peserta bersikap terbuka,
b. Berusaha menterjemahkan / menganalisa pikiran orang lain.
c. Selalu berupaya memperlancar persidangan.
d. Tidak mengganggu jalannya persidangan.
e. Tidak membuka rapat dalam rapat.
f. Berpartisipasi secara penuh.
g. Menjaga ketertiban.
4. Penutup Dan Tindak Lanjut.
Keberhasilan perencanaan dan penyelenggaraan suatu persidangan tidak semata - mata diukur dari kelancaran, efisiensi waktu, kelengkapan fasilitas maupun akomodasi yang mewah atau suasana lingkungan yang nyaman dan asri maupun dari bagusnya redaksi konsideran dan diktum – diktum keputusan yang dihasilkan atau bahasa resume yang indah. Akan tetapi keberhasilan suatu rapat/ persidangan juga diukur dari out put yang merupakan tindak lanjut rapat / sidang tersaebut. Dengan demikian rapat/ persidangan yang diselenggaran tidak menjadi suatu rapat NATO : No Action Talk Only.
Beberapa bentuk persidangan yang dikenal :
1. Kuliah (Lecture)
Adalah persidangan dengan seorang pembicara di hadapan pendengar. Digunakan :
a. Bila ingin memberikan informasi
b. Jika pendengar sudah termotifasi
c. Apabila pembicara seornag ahli dan pandai menggunakan ilustrasi
d. Apabila kelompk pendengar terlalu banyak.
e. Apabila ingin menekan / menguatkan apa – apa yang telah dibaca oleh pendegar.
2. Diskusi Kelompok
Adalah suatu perbincangan yang terencana dan tersusun diantara tiga orang atau lebih dengan suatu topik tertentu dan pembicaraan dilakukan secara terpinpin.
Digunakan :
a. Jika ingin melakukan pendekatan yang demokratis.
b. Jika ingin melakukan atau mengibarkan ide atau informasi.
c. Jika kita ingin membicarakan suatu masalah kepada anggota dan meningkatkan penghayatan dan tanggung jawab terhadap masalah tersebut.
d. Jika kita ingin mengembangkan suatu titik pandang.
e. Jika kita ingin mengembangkan kepemimpinan.
Ciri – ciri :
- Ada kontak emosional yang tinggi dan kemungkinan saling mempengaruhi diantara anggota.
- Bersifat informal dan santai.
- Anggota dapat diarahkan untuk berfikir secara kelompok, mengembangkan kerja sama dan menghilangkan perbedaan.
3. Panel diskusi
4. Simposium
5. Wok Shop
6. Brain Storming
7. Debate
8. Roll Playing
9. dll
Persidangan yang buruk.
Berikut ini adalah daftar beberapa keluhan yang sering terjadi dalam suatu persidangan/ rapat. Berikan tanda √ pada bagian yang sesuai dengan pengalaman anda dalam melaksanakan suatu rapat.
□ Orang yang mengundang anda tidak hadir.
□ Peserta terlambat
□ Peserta tidak hadir.
□ Peserta terlalu cepat meninggalkan persidangan.
□ Peserta melamun, memikirkan hal lain yang dapat mereka lakukan atau bahkan tertidur.
□ Terlalu banyak peserta yang berbicara pada saat bersamaan.
□ Pembicaraan didominasi oleh seorang atau beberapa orang saja.
□ Pemimpin mendominasi.
□ Para pesertsa saling menyerang pribadi peserta lain.
□ Tak ada satupun pokok persoalan yang dapat diselesaikan.
□ Bertele – tele.
□ Mengambang
□ Protes : Salah satu atau beberapa peserta meninggalkan ruangan.
□ Sebagian peserta tidak dapat menerima keputusan.
□ Terjadi kontak fisik, lempar sepatu, lempar kursi atau gebrak meja.
□ Terjadi rapat dalam rapat.
□ Pihak lain diluar peserta menyela persidangan.
□ Suasana tidak nyaman,ribut, gaduh.
□ Topik yang dibahas merupakan pengulangan dari topik – topik sebelumnya.
□ NATO : No Action Talk Only
□ ………………………………………………………………………………
□ ……………………………………………………………………………….
□ ………………………………………………………………………………..
□ ………………………………………………………………………………..
□ …………………………………………………………………………………
□ ………………………………………………………………………………….
(silahkan tuliskan pengalaman anda yang belum termuat)
Sumber masalah - masalah di atas dapat diklasifikasikan dalam beberapa bagian :
1. Persiapan
a. Penyelenggara :
- Pastikan undangan sudah terdistribusi.
- Susun agenda.
- Tentukan tujuan.
- Pilih metode.
- Estimasi waktu dengan baik.
- Siapkan peralatan yang dibutuhkan.
b. Peserta.
- Hadir tepat waktu.
- Persiapkan diri.
- Cari informasi sebanyak mungkin tentang masalah yang akan dibahas.
- Siapkan peralatan yang dibutuhkan.
2. Pelaksanaan
1. Pimpinan Sidang
Pemimpin persidangan adalah faktor yang sangat menentukan dalam kelancaran suatu persidangan. Semua arus informasi dan mekanisme pembicaraan diatur dan diformulasikan sedemikian rupa dengan bijaksana, objektif, luwes tanpa mengurangi wibawa dan dilakukan dengan tegas.
Ada berbagai macam fungsi dari seorang pemimpin sidang, yang pada umumnya berguna agar persidangan lancar dan efektif, yaitu :
- Sebagai pengarah.
- Sebagai layar pemantul
- Mediator.
- Pencari jalan keluar.
- Motifator.
- Sebagai pengambil kesimpulan dan keputusan atas nama perserta.
Pemimpin sidang dituntut dapat mengatur waktu bicara, mengarahkan dan memilih pembicara agar apa yang menjadi tujuan dapat dicapai rumusannya, tetap aspiratif dan diterima semua pihak. Beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan pemimpin sidang (dan peserta), adalah :
- Tingkat emosional.
- Penampilan
- Perbedaan usia
- Pengalaman dan latar belakang.
- Kebiasaan, dll
Bagi seorang pemimpin persidangan, dengan mengenal watak dan karakter dari masing – masing peserta, maka akan lebih mudah baginya untuk mengarahkan jalannya persidangan. Ini memang sulit dilakukan apalagi jika pesertanya orang – orang yang belum dikenal datau belum pernah berinteraksi dengannya.
Pemimpin sidang hendaknya juga memperhatikan tipe – tipe peserta yang dipimpinnya agar dapat mengarahkan persidangan dengan baik. Terdapat tujuh tipe peserta, yaitu :
Ø Pemersatu.
Ø Pendengar
Ø Perantara
Ø Pemberi Semangat
Ø Pengambil Inisiatif
Ø Pemberi informasi.
Ø Penyerang.
Ø Akan tetapi ada type baru yang muncul dan sering terjadi dalam suatu rapat, yaitu type perusuh.
Sebab orang dengan type seperti ini muncul/ datang hanya untuk merusuhi (memprovokasi) dan mengganggu peserta dalam rapat/ persidangan.
Seorang pemimpin sidang yang baik adalah yang memiliki ciri – ciri sebagai berikut:
1. Mengetahui teknik – teknik pengendalian persidangan
2. Cakap mengkombinasikan teknik pengendalian yang bebas, terbatas dan ketat.
3. Cepat mengenal dan memahami situasi.
4. Mampu mengenali dengan cepat type – type peserta.
5. Cakap mengutarakan pendapat.
6. Cakap menangkap dan mampu menganalisa dan menguraikan setiap pembicaraan.
7. Cakap mengambil kesimpulan pembicara.
8. Cakap mengambil jalan keluar bila sidang mengalami jalan buntu.
9. Mampu memahami faktor psikologis peserta serta mampu memotifasi peserta untuk
mengambil peranan.
10. Memiliki stamina yang tinggi
11. Tidak berbicara panjang lebar.
12. Tidak memaksakan pendapat.
13. Tidak membantah.
2. Peserta
Interupsi adalah suatu tindakan dari seorang untuk menyela, memotong, menghentikan suatu proses pembicaraan dalam suatu persidangan. Terdapat 4 jenis interupsi, yaitu :
a. Point of Order (PO)
Jika kita menyela pembicaraan yang sedang berjalan dan kita melihat bahwa apa yang kita sampaikan berhubungan langsung dengan pembicaraan dan akan memperlancar pembicaraan.
b. Point of Information (PI)
Jika kita ingin memberikan informasi untuk menjelaskan atau menambah bahan pertimbangan pada persoalan yang sedang dibahas.
c. Point of Clarification (PC)
Diajukan untuk mengklarifikasi suatu permasalahan sehingga permasalahan tersebut menjadi jelas, untuk memperjelas sesuatu yang telah kita sampaikan sebelumnya tetapi tidak dimengerti atau ditafsirkan berbeda oleh peserta lainnya, dapat juga disampaikan untuk memberi penjelasan tentang sesuatu yang telah disampaikan orang lain.
d. Point of Personal Privilage (PP)
Diajukan untuk membela diri (merehabilitir) sehubungan dengan pembicaraan yang sedang berlangsung yang menyinggung hak pribadi (privilage), misalnya : hinaan, fitnah, dll.
3. Aturan main.
Selain faktor pemimpin dan peserta sidang, aturan main atau tata tertib sangat penting untuk memperlancar suatu persidangan. Tata tertib persidangan ini hendaknya memuat beberapa hal, yaitu :
1. Siapa dan apa tugas pemimpin persidangan.
2. Tahapan persidangan atau agenda persidangan.
3. Siapa peserta, apa hak dan kewajibannya.
4. Bagaimana cara pengambilan keputusan.
5. Bentuk – bentuk persidangan, yaitu : Sidang pleno, sidang komisi, sidang panitia kerja, sidang panitia khusus,
6. Dan lain – lain yang dianggab perlu diatur.
Disamping tata tertib tertulis, berbagai hal teknis biasanya diserahkan kepada Stering Committee atau Pengurus / penanggung jawab organisasi. Ada beberapa hal yang menjadi kesepakatan tak tertulis yang berlaku pada berbagai persidangan / rapat, seperti :
a. Hendaknya setiap peserta bersikap terbuka,
b. Berusaha menterjemahkan / menganalisa pikiran orang lain.
c. Selalu berupaya memperlancar persidangan.
d. Tidak mengganggu jalannya persidangan.
e. Tidak membuka rapat dalam rapat.
f. Berpartisipasi secara penuh.
g. Menjaga ketertiban.
4. Penutup Dan Tindak Lanjut.
Keberhasilan perencanaan dan penyelenggaraan suatu persidangan tidak semata - mata diukur dari kelancaran, efisiensi waktu, kelengkapan fasilitas maupun akomodasi yang mewah atau suasana lingkungan yang nyaman dan asri maupun dari bagusnya redaksi konsideran dan diktum – diktum keputusan yang dihasilkan atau bahasa resume yang indah. Akan tetapi keberhasilan suatu rapat/ persidangan juga diukur dari out put yang merupakan tindak lanjut rapat / sidang tersaebut. Dengan demikian rapat/ persidangan yang diselenggaran tidak menjadi suatu rapat NATO : No Action Talk Only.
SEJARAH GERAKAN MAHASISWA KRISTEN INDONESIA
1. PENDAHULUAN
Sejarah bagi manusia ( individu maupun kelompak) adalah sebuah rangkaian kejadian atau peristiwa yang dialami dalam kurun waktu tertentu. Rangkaian yang dimaksud menyangkut bagaimana individu atau kelompok dalam mempertahankan eksistensinya dan memberikan konstribusi bagi suatu peradaban pada jamannya. Dalam sejarah kita juga dituntut memahami kerangka berpikir dan bertindak yang diambil dalam menghadapi dinamika – dinamika yang terjadi.
GMKI sebagai organisasi yang lahir 53 tahun yang lalu telah menjalankan suatu rangkaian sejarah sendiri. Sebagai calon – calon anggota GMKI maka sejarah GMKI merupakan materi Wajib yang harus dipahami dan dikaji sebagai bekal untuk mengambil langkah dan tindakan ketika memasuki organisasi ini. Sejarah GMKI tidaklah hanya sebatas menghapal tanggal dan nama –nama tokoh ataupun tempat kejadian tetapi juga harus memahami mengapa kejadian ataupun tindakan tersebut terjadi.
Sampai saat ini tulisan baku tentang sejarah GMKI belum ada, yang ada hanyalah menuskrip sejarah GMKI yang ditulis oleh WB Sijabat, Tarianto, dan RZ Leiriza yang merupakan senior GMKI yang aktif pada zamannya. Ada juga tulisan yang lain yaitu beberapa tesis dan tugas akhir mahasiswa STT Jakarta tetapi jika dibandingkan dengan banyaknya kejadian dan panjangnya waktu maka bahan – bahan tersebut belumlah mencukupi.
2. PERIODISASI SEJARAH GMKI
Adapun periodisasi sejarah dalam kehadiran GMKI adalah :
1. CSV Op Java ( 1932 – 1942 )
2. PMKI ( 1945 – 1950 ) dan CSV Baru ( 1946 – 1950 )
3. GMKI ( 1950 sampai sekarang
1. CSV Op Java
Tokoh yang tidak dapat dilupakan perannya dalam kelahiran CSV OP java adalah aktivis WSCF Ir. C.L van Doorn. Beliau adalah seorang sarjana kehutanan yang aktif mempelajari ilmu – ilmu sosial dan ekonomi pertanian bahkan sampai ajalnya ia juga memperoleh gelar Dominee dalam bidang theologia. C.L Van Doorn tiba di Batavia tahun 1921, Ketika itu dia belum memahami karakter, budaya dan situasi bangsa Indonesia saat itu sehingga ia memutuskan belajar untuk memahaminya dengan bekerja dikantor Volksrediet Purworejo.
Munculnya mahasiswa di Indonesia seiring dengan berdirinya Perguruan Tinggi yang ada dipulau Jawa diantaranya adalah School Tot Opleiding Van Indische Artsen ( STOVIA ) di Batavia tahun 1910 – 1924, Sekolah Tinggi Teknik di Bandung tahun 1920, Sekolah Tinggi Hewan di Bogor tahun 1914 dan Sekolah Hakim Tinggi di Jakarta tahun 1924. Pada tahun 1924 terbentuklah Batavia CSVdi Batavia yang merupakan CSV pertama yang ada, kemudian mahasiswa yang ada diSurabaya dalam kurun waktu 1935 – 1927 berkumpul dan membentuk Jong indie. Aktifitas – aktifitas yang dilakukan oleh kedua kelompok ini adalah Penelahan Alkitab dan Kelompok kecil dan diskusi seputar kehidupan sosial yang ada secara aktif dan intens.
Pada bulan Desember 1932 ketika orang Kristen sedang merayakan natal, kelompok – kelompok ini mengadakan konperensi di Kalirung dan hasilnya dibentuklah Christelijke Studente Vereening Op java ( CSV Op Java ) pada tanggal 28 Desembar 2932 dan saat itu dipilih Dr. J. Liemena sebagai ketua dan Ir. C.L Van Doorn sebagai sekretaris.
Peristiwa lain yang tidak kalah penting yang mempengaruhi CSV Op Java ialah kehadiran Dr. John R. Mott pada tahun 1926, beliau merupakan tokoh pendiri dari World Student Cristian Federation yang didirikan pada tahun 1885 di Swedia. Kehadirannya di Indonesia merupakan tonggak sejarah bagi kelahiran CSV Op Java dimana berkat bantuannya CSV Op Java diberi kepercayaan oleh WSCF untuk menjadi tuan rumah penyelenggraan Konprensi GMK – GMK se-Asia pada tahun 1933 di Citerup,Jawa. Pada saat konperensi ini CSV Op Java diterima menjadi Corrresponding Member dari WSCF, dimana keanggotaan WSCF ada 3 yaitu
¶ Pioneering Movement
¶ Corresponding Movement
¶ Affliated Movement (m Full Member )
Jumlah anggota pada era – 1930an sekitar 90 orang yang tersebar di kota – kota yang baru ada Perguruan Tingginya. Sekalipun kecil dan lemah namun CSV Op Java telah berhasil meletakkan dasar pembinaan kepada mahasiswa Kristen di Indonesia yang selanjutnya dilanjutkan oleh GMKI. Ada dua ospek yang merupakan benang biru yang dilahirkan oleh CSV Op Java yaitu kerjasama GMK -GMK se-Asia ( oekumenisme ) dan rasa semangat persatuan nasional ( nasionalisme )
Habis masa eksistensi CSV Op Java ketika jepang masuk ke Indonesia maka semua organisdasi – organisasi bentukan Belanda dibubarkan dan dilarang untuk beraktifitas maka tahun 1942 CSV Op Java praktis tidak ada lagi dan tidak beraktifitas lagi.
2. PMKI dan CSV baru ( Masa Revolusi Kemerdekaan RI 1945 )
Dalam suatu pertemuan pada tahun 1945 di STT Jakarta mahasiswa – mahasiswa Kristen saat itu membentuk organisasi mahasiswa Kristen yang dimaksud untuk menggantikan CSV Op Java yang bernama Perhimpuna Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia ( PMKI ). Saat itu Dr. J. Leimana ditetapkan sebagai ketua dan Dr. O. E. Engelen sebagai sekretaris.
Kegiatan yang dilakukan PMKI tidak terlalu berbeda dengan yang dilakukan oleh CSV Op Java, penelahaan Alkitab dalam kelompok – kelompok kecil merupakan kegiatan utamanya disamping studi – studi tentang keadaan nasional dan ideology bangsa saat itu. Tidak lama setelah lahirnya PMKI, diawal tahun 1946 muncul suatu organisasi yang baru yang bernama CSV. CSV baru sebenarnya bukanlah tandingan dari PMKI hanya CSV ini lebih berorientasi kepada “ Pemerintahan pendudukan Belanda “ sehingga dalam gerakan dan aktifitasnya sering terjadi pertentangan – pertentangan. Ditengah pertentangan – pertentangan dan problemalatikanya masing – masing maka ada dua kesamaan diantara kedua organisasi ini, sama berusaha dan berjuang untuk :
¶ Perealisasi Iman dalam Yesus Kristus sebagai sebuah persekutuan
¶ Menjadi saksi Kristus dalam dunia mahasiswa
3. GMKI yang melanjutkan Misi dan Eksistensinya
Menurut Tarianto, BA pada masa keberadaan GMKI dibagi menjadi :
a. Masa Perkembangan ( 1950-1960 )
Dengan berakhirnya pertentangan antara Indonesia dan Belanda maka berakhir pula pertentangan antara PMKI dan CSV pada akhir tahun 1949.Puncak dari akhir pertentangan tersebut ialah pada saat pertemuan di Jl Teuku Umar 36 Jakarta ( rumah Dr J. Leimena ) tanggal 9 Februari 1950.Wakil-wakil dari kedua organisasi tersebut sepakat untuk meleburkan diri dan bergabung bersama dengan nama Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia ( GMKI ).Sebuah catatan sejarah yang sangat tinggi nilainya bagi gereja dan negara, saat proses proklamasi kehadiran GMKI dipilih Dr J. Leimena sebagai ketua sementara sampai diadakannya Kongres yang pertama dan pada kesempatan itu Leimena berpidatao yang diantaranya berbunyi :
“ Tindakan ini adalah tindakan historis bagi dunia mahasiswa umumnya dan masyarakat Kristen Khususnya. GMKI menjadi pelopor semua kebaktian yang akan dan mungkin harus dilakkan di Indonesia. GMKI menjadilah pusat, sekolah latihan ( Leader School ) dari orang – orang yang mau bertanggungjawab atas segala sesuatu mengenai kepentingan dan kebaikan bangsa Indonesia. Persekutuan dalam Kritus tuhannya. Dengan demikian ia berakar baik dalam gereja, maupun dalam nusa dan bangsa Indonesia, sebagai bagian dalam iman dan roh, ia berdiri dalam dua Proklamasi : Proklamasi kemerdekaan dan Proklamasi Tuhan Yesus dengan injilnya, ialah injil kehidupan, kematian, dan kebangkitan.
Mulai dari sana GMKI melanjutkan perjuangan dan pengembangan organisasinya dengan melakukan kongres dan melakukan pengembangan cabang – cabang. Tahun 1953 GMKI Cabang Medan dibentuk bersama – sama dengan Cabang Bogor dan pada tahun ini pula GMKI melalui General Assembly WSCF di Nasrapur India GMKI resmi diterima sebagai affield Movement ( Full Member ) WSCF. Periode awal ini sampai 1960 disebut sebagai fase perkembangan organisasi dengan mengadakan pembentukan cabang – cabang baru.
b. Masa Konsolidasi ( 1960 – 1970 )
Pada era ini terjadi suatu pergolakan Nasinal yang Pokok persoalannya ialah persoalan Struktur negara dan kepemimpinan nasional. Sikap yang diambil oleh Pengurus Pusat GMKI terkesan lamban karena yang wacana yang ada pada Pengurus Pusat itu pergantian atau pergerseran Soekarno sebagai Presiden belum bisa dilakukan tanpa pergeseran Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Setelah terjadi kesepakatan untuk tidak terjadi pergeseran Pancasila dan UUD 1945 barulah GMKI menyetujui pembubaran PPMI dan menyetujui pembentukan KAMI. Melihat kelambanan Pengurus Pusat saaat banyak anggota GMKI yang melakukan Protes dengan melakukan aksi coret – coret menuntut percepatan sikap Pengurus Pusat GMKI saat itu. Kelambana Pengurus Pusat GMKI saat itu tidak sedikit banyak mempengaruhi cabang – cabangnya dalam mengambil langkah, namun untuk cabang Medan Aktifis GMKI Medan saat itu ikut berperan Aktif di KAMI bahkan menjadi Garda depan dari pergerakan mahasiswa saat itu.
Pada era ini GMKI dengan dinamika internalnya disibukkan untuk melakukan konsolidasi organisasi dimana terjadi pertentangan Pengurus Pusat GMKI dan cabang – cabang saat ini maka dari kongres ke kongres terjadi perubahan – perubahan dalam diri GMKI diantaranya Anggaran Dasar GMKI/Anggaran Rumah Tangga GMKI yang perubahan tata organisasi GMKI dari yang desentralisasi menjadi sentralisasi.
c. Masa Pengutusan
Setelah Soeharto menggantikan soekarno dengan pemerintahan Orde barunya, maka saat itu bulan madu antara militer dan mahasiswa yang sebelumnya terjadi berakhir. Hal ini tampak dengan pembubaran KAMI, organisasi mahasiswa Ekstra kampus HMI, GMKI, PMKRI, PMII, GMNI mengadakan pertemuan diCipayung pada tanggal 22 Januari 1972 dan penandatanganan kesepakatan yang dikenal dengan nama Kesepakatan Cipayung dan kelak kelompok ini disebut dengan Kelompok Cipayung dimana tema yang diambil pada petrtemuan kelompok ini adalah “ Indonesia yang dicitakan “. Kelompok Cipayung ini adalah kelompok yang sifat iniformal yang tidak mempunyai Struktur dan tata organisasi lainnya.
Pada tanggal 23 Juli 1973 kelompok cipayung memprakarsai pembentukan Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia ( KNPI ) yang merupakan organisasi gabungan kepemudaan yang mempunyai tujuan untuk melibatkan pemuda berperan serta dalam pembangunan dan juga untuk menghindarkan pengkotak – kotakan semu antara pemuda. Akhir tahun 1970-an ketiak Daeod Joesoef mengeluarkan NKK/BKK yang melarang organisasi ekstra untuk melakuakan segala macam aktifitas didalam kampus dan juga pembubaran Dewan Mahasiswa, maka ini sangat mempengaruhi GMKI dalam melakukan pembinaan dan konsolidasi kepada anggotanya dimana sebelumnya pembinaan kepada anggota GMKI dilakukan langsung di dalam kampus. Sejak itu timbul ide dan Strtegi yang dipakai GMKI dengan membentuk KMK Atau PMK yang diharapkan ini mampu menjadi perpanjangan tangan GMKI dalam melakukan pembinaan anggota dalam kampus, namun seiring waktu berlalu, strtegi ini seolah - olah bukan lagi Strategi , mungkin ini disebabkan oleh perbedaan pemahaman Theologia.
Disaat era 90-an kekritisan organisasi ekstra mulai dipertanyakan secara lembaga, mungkin ini disebabkan oleh suatu sistem organisasi yang mapan atau birokarasi Organisasi yang sangat panjang dalam mengambil sikap. Kader – kader GMKI dan organisasi lainnya fungsinya langsung selaku kontrol sosial dan kekuasaan. Sampai jatuhnya soeharto peran organisasi ekstra khususnya GMKI tidak banyak secara lembaga tetapi kader – kader GMKI banyak dan cukup aktif sebagai penggerak dalam pergerakan mahasiswa saat itu.
Memasuki era pemerintahan Habibie, Abdulrahman Wahid dan Megawati yang kita sebut sebagai era reformasi, GMKI mencoba untuk eksis menjadi organisasi kader dan organisasi mahasiwa sebagai kontrol pemerintah dan sosial walaupun dalam aksinya kita analisa kembali sejauh mana peran dan kekritisan yang diambil oleh GMKI dalam melakukan perannya terasebut.
3. PENUTUP
Demikianlah sejarah singkat Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesiaini disampaikan, ditengah-tengah keterbatasan bahan sebagai rujukan kiranya ini dapat membantu kita khususnya calon-calon anggota baru untuk menjadi semangat dalam menciptakan sejarah baru yang lebih mengarahkan peran serta kita dalam pencapaian tujuan dan visi organisasi sebagai mana telah dicetuskan oleh pendahulu-pendahulu kita.Syalom.
Sejarah bagi manusia ( individu maupun kelompak) adalah sebuah rangkaian kejadian atau peristiwa yang dialami dalam kurun waktu tertentu. Rangkaian yang dimaksud menyangkut bagaimana individu atau kelompok dalam mempertahankan eksistensinya dan memberikan konstribusi bagi suatu peradaban pada jamannya. Dalam sejarah kita juga dituntut memahami kerangka berpikir dan bertindak yang diambil dalam menghadapi dinamika – dinamika yang terjadi.
GMKI sebagai organisasi yang lahir 53 tahun yang lalu telah menjalankan suatu rangkaian sejarah sendiri. Sebagai calon – calon anggota GMKI maka sejarah GMKI merupakan materi Wajib yang harus dipahami dan dikaji sebagai bekal untuk mengambil langkah dan tindakan ketika memasuki organisasi ini. Sejarah GMKI tidaklah hanya sebatas menghapal tanggal dan nama –nama tokoh ataupun tempat kejadian tetapi juga harus memahami mengapa kejadian ataupun tindakan tersebut terjadi.
Sampai saat ini tulisan baku tentang sejarah GMKI belum ada, yang ada hanyalah menuskrip sejarah GMKI yang ditulis oleh WB Sijabat, Tarianto, dan RZ Leiriza yang merupakan senior GMKI yang aktif pada zamannya. Ada juga tulisan yang lain yaitu beberapa tesis dan tugas akhir mahasiswa STT Jakarta tetapi jika dibandingkan dengan banyaknya kejadian dan panjangnya waktu maka bahan – bahan tersebut belumlah mencukupi.
2. PERIODISASI SEJARAH GMKI
Adapun periodisasi sejarah dalam kehadiran GMKI adalah :
1. CSV Op Java ( 1932 – 1942 )
2. PMKI ( 1945 – 1950 ) dan CSV Baru ( 1946 – 1950 )
3. GMKI ( 1950 sampai sekarang
1. CSV Op Java
Tokoh yang tidak dapat dilupakan perannya dalam kelahiran CSV OP java adalah aktivis WSCF Ir. C.L van Doorn. Beliau adalah seorang sarjana kehutanan yang aktif mempelajari ilmu – ilmu sosial dan ekonomi pertanian bahkan sampai ajalnya ia juga memperoleh gelar Dominee dalam bidang theologia. C.L Van Doorn tiba di Batavia tahun 1921, Ketika itu dia belum memahami karakter, budaya dan situasi bangsa Indonesia saat itu sehingga ia memutuskan belajar untuk memahaminya dengan bekerja dikantor Volksrediet Purworejo.
Munculnya mahasiswa di Indonesia seiring dengan berdirinya Perguruan Tinggi yang ada dipulau Jawa diantaranya adalah School Tot Opleiding Van Indische Artsen ( STOVIA ) di Batavia tahun 1910 – 1924, Sekolah Tinggi Teknik di Bandung tahun 1920, Sekolah Tinggi Hewan di Bogor tahun 1914 dan Sekolah Hakim Tinggi di Jakarta tahun 1924. Pada tahun 1924 terbentuklah Batavia CSVdi Batavia yang merupakan CSV pertama yang ada, kemudian mahasiswa yang ada diSurabaya dalam kurun waktu 1935 – 1927 berkumpul dan membentuk Jong indie. Aktifitas – aktifitas yang dilakukan oleh kedua kelompok ini adalah Penelahan Alkitab dan Kelompok kecil dan diskusi seputar kehidupan sosial yang ada secara aktif dan intens.
Pada bulan Desember 1932 ketika orang Kristen sedang merayakan natal, kelompok – kelompok ini mengadakan konperensi di Kalirung dan hasilnya dibentuklah Christelijke Studente Vereening Op java ( CSV Op Java ) pada tanggal 28 Desembar 2932 dan saat itu dipilih Dr. J. Liemena sebagai ketua dan Ir. C.L Van Doorn sebagai sekretaris.
Peristiwa lain yang tidak kalah penting yang mempengaruhi CSV Op Java ialah kehadiran Dr. John R. Mott pada tahun 1926, beliau merupakan tokoh pendiri dari World Student Cristian Federation yang didirikan pada tahun 1885 di Swedia. Kehadirannya di Indonesia merupakan tonggak sejarah bagi kelahiran CSV Op Java dimana berkat bantuannya CSV Op Java diberi kepercayaan oleh WSCF untuk menjadi tuan rumah penyelenggraan Konprensi GMK – GMK se-Asia pada tahun 1933 di Citerup,Jawa. Pada saat konperensi ini CSV Op Java diterima menjadi Corrresponding Member dari WSCF, dimana keanggotaan WSCF ada 3 yaitu
¶ Pioneering Movement
¶ Corresponding Movement
¶ Affliated Movement (m Full Member )
Jumlah anggota pada era – 1930an sekitar 90 orang yang tersebar di kota – kota yang baru ada Perguruan Tingginya. Sekalipun kecil dan lemah namun CSV Op Java telah berhasil meletakkan dasar pembinaan kepada mahasiswa Kristen di Indonesia yang selanjutnya dilanjutkan oleh GMKI. Ada dua ospek yang merupakan benang biru yang dilahirkan oleh CSV Op Java yaitu kerjasama GMK -GMK se-Asia ( oekumenisme ) dan rasa semangat persatuan nasional ( nasionalisme )
Habis masa eksistensi CSV Op Java ketika jepang masuk ke Indonesia maka semua organisdasi – organisasi bentukan Belanda dibubarkan dan dilarang untuk beraktifitas maka tahun 1942 CSV Op Java praktis tidak ada lagi dan tidak beraktifitas lagi.
2. PMKI dan CSV baru ( Masa Revolusi Kemerdekaan RI 1945 )
Dalam suatu pertemuan pada tahun 1945 di STT Jakarta mahasiswa – mahasiswa Kristen saat itu membentuk organisasi mahasiswa Kristen yang dimaksud untuk menggantikan CSV Op Java yang bernama Perhimpuna Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia ( PMKI ). Saat itu Dr. J. Leimana ditetapkan sebagai ketua dan Dr. O. E. Engelen sebagai sekretaris.
Kegiatan yang dilakukan PMKI tidak terlalu berbeda dengan yang dilakukan oleh CSV Op Java, penelahaan Alkitab dalam kelompok – kelompok kecil merupakan kegiatan utamanya disamping studi – studi tentang keadaan nasional dan ideology bangsa saat itu. Tidak lama setelah lahirnya PMKI, diawal tahun 1946 muncul suatu organisasi yang baru yang bernama CSV. CSV baru sebenarnya bukanlah tandingan dari PMKI hanya CSV ini lebih berorientasi kepada “ Pemerintahan pendudukan Belanda “ sehingga dalam gerakan dan aktifitasnya sering terjadi pertentangan – pertentangan. Ditengah pertentangan – pertentangan dan problemalatikanya masing – masing maka ada dua kesamaan diantara kedua organisasi ini, sama berusaha dan berjuang untuk :
¶ Perealisasi Iman dalam Yesus Kristus sebagai sebuah persekutuan
¶ Menjadi saksi Kristus dalam dunia mahasiswa
3. GMKI yang melanjutkan Misi dan Eksistensinya
Menurut Tarianto, BA pada masa keberadaan GMKI dibagi menjadi :
a. Masa Perkembangan ( 1950-1960 )
Dengan berakhirnya pertentangan antara Indonesia dan Belanda maka berakhir pula pertentangan antara PMKI dan CSV pada akhir tahun 1949.Puncak dari akhir pertentangan tersebut ialah pada saat pertemuan di Jl Teuku Umar 36 Jakarta ( rumah Dr J. Leimena ) tanggal 9 Februari 1950.Wakil-wakil dari kedua organisasi tersebut sepakat untuk meleburkan diri dan bergabung bersama dengan nama Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia ( GMKI ).Sebuah catatan sejarah yang sangat tinggi nilainya bagi gereja dan negara, saat proses proklamasi kehadiran GMKI dipilih Dr J. Leimena sebagai ketua sementara sampai diadakannya Kongres yang pertama dan pada kesempatan itu Leimena berpidatao yang diantaranya berbunyi :
“ Tindakan ini adalah tindakan historis bagi dunia mahasiswa umumnya dan masyarakat Kristen Khususnya. GMKI menjadi pelopor semua kebaktian yang akan dan mungkin harus dilakkan di Indonesia. GMKI menjadilah pusat, sekolah latihan ( Leader School ) dari orang – orang yang mau bertanggungjawab atas segala sesuatu mengenai kepentingan dan kebaikan bangsa Indonesia. Persekutuan dalam Kritus tuhannya. Dengan demikian ia berakar baik dalam gereja, maupun dalam nusa dan bangsa Indonesia, sebagai bagian dalam iman dan roh, ia berdiri dalam dua Proklamasi : Proklamasi kemerdekaan dan Proklamasi Tuhan Yesus dengan injilnya, ialah injil kehidupan, kematian, dan kebangkitan.
Mulai dari sana GMKI melanjutkan perjuangan dan pengembangan organisasinya dengan melakukan kongres dan melakukan pengembangan cabang – cabang. Tahun 1953 GMKI Cabang Medan dibentuk bersama – sama dengan Cabang Bogor dan pada tahun ini pula GMKI melalui General Assembly WSCF di Nasrapur India GMKI resmi diterima sebagai affield Movement ( Full Member ) WSCF. Periode awal ini sampai 1960 disebut sebagai fase perkembangan organisasi dengan mengadakan pembentukan cabang – cabang baru.
b. Masa Konsolidasi ( 1960 – 1970 )
Pada era ini terjadi suatu pergolakan Nasinal yang Pokok persoalannya ialah persoalan Struktur negara dan kepemimpinan nasional. Sikap yang diambil oleh Pengurus Pusat GMKI terkesan lamban karena yang wacana yang ada pada Pengurus Pusat itu pergantian atau pergerseran Soekarno sebagai Presiden belum bisa dilakukan tanpa pergeseran Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Setelah terjadi kesepakatan untuk tidak terjadi pergeseran Pancasila dan UUD 1945 barulah GMKI menyetujui pembubaran PPMI dan menyetujui pembentukan KAMI. Melihat kelambanan Pengurus Pusat saaat banyak anggota GMKI yang melakukan Protes dengan melakukan aksi coret – coret menuntut percepatan sikap Pengurus Pusat GMKI saat itu. Kelambana Pengurus Pusat GMKI saat itu tidak sedikit banyak mempengaruhi cabang – cabangnya dalam mengambil langkah, namun untuk cabang Medan Aktifis GMKI Medan saat itu ikut berperan Aktif di KAMI bahkan menjadi Garda depan dari pergerakan mahasiswa saat itu.
Pada era ini GMKI dengan dinamika internalnya disibukkan untuk melakukan konsolidasi organisasi dimana terjadi pertentangan Pengurus Pusat GMKI dan cabang – cabang saat ini maka dari kongres ke kongres terjadi perubahan – perubahan dalam diri GMKI diantaranya Anggaran Dasar GMKI/Anggaran Rumah Tangga GMKI yang perubahan tata organisasi GMKI dari yang desentralisasi menjadi sentralisasi.
c. Masa Pengutusan
Setelah Soeharto menggantikan soekarno dengan pemerintahan Orde barunya, maka saat itu bulan madu antara militer dan mahasiswa yang sebelumnya terjadi berakhir. Hal ini tampak dengan pembubaran KAMI, organisasi mahasiswa Ekstra kampus HMI, GMKI, PMKRI, PMII, GMNI mengadakan pertemuan diCipayung pada tanggal 22 Januari 1972 dan penandatanganan kesepakatan yang dikenal dengan nama Kesepakatan Cipayung dan kelak kelompok ini disebut dengan Kelompok Cipayung dimana tema yang diambil pada petrtemuan kelompok ini adalah “ Indonesia yang dicitakan “. Kelompok Cipayung ini adalah kelompok yang sifat iniformal yang tidak mempunyai Struktur dan tata organisasi lainnya.
Pada tanggal 23 Juli 1973 kelompok cipayung memprakarsai pembentukan Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia ( KNPI ) yang merupakan organisasi gabungan kepemudaan yang mempunyai tujuan untuk melibatkan pemuda berperan serta dalam pembangunan dan juga untuk menghindarkan pengkotak – kotakan semu antara pemuda. Akhir tahun 1970-an ketiak Daeod Joesoef mengeluarkan NKK/BKK yang melarang organisasi ekstra untuk melakuakan segala macam aktifitas didalam kampus dan juga pembubaran Dewan Mahasiswa, maka ini sangat mempengaruhi GMKI dalam melakukan pembinaan dan konsolidasi kepada anggotanya dimana sebelumnya pembinaan kepada anggota GMKI dilakukan langsung di dalam kampus. Sejak itu timbul ide dan Strtegi yang dipakai GMKI dengan membentuk KMK Atau PMK yang diharapkan ini mampu menjadi perpanjangan tangan GMKI dalam melakukan pembinaan anggota dalam kampus, namun seiring waktu berlalu, strtegi ini seolah - olah bukan lagi Strategi , mungkin ini disebabkan oleh perbedaan pemahaman Theologia.
Disaat era 90-an kekritisan organisasi ekstra mulai dipertanyakan secara lembaga, mungkin ini disebabkan oleh suatu sistem organisasi yang mapan atau birokarasi Organisasi yang sangat panjang dalam mengambil sikap. Kader – kader GMKI dan organisasi lainnya fungsinya langsung selaku kontrol sosial dan kekuasaan. Sampai jatuhnya soeharto peran organisasi ekstra khususnya GMKI tidak banyak secara lembaga tetapi kader – kader GMKI banyak dan cukup aktif sebagai penggerak dalam pergerakan mahasiswa saat itu.
Memasuki era pemerintahan Habibie, Abdulrahman Wahid dan Megawati yang kita sebut sebagai era reformasi, GMKI mencoba untuk eksis menjadi organisasi kader dan organisasi mahasiwa sebagai kontrol pemerintah dan sosial walaupun dalam aksinya kita analisa kembali sejauh mana peran dan kekritisan yang diambil oleh GMKI dalam melakukan perannya terasebut.
3. PENUTUP
Demikianlah sejarah singkat Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesiaini disampaikan, ditengah-tengah keterbatasan bahan sebagai rujukan kiranya ini dapat membantu kita khususnya calon-calon anggota baru untuk menjadi semangat dalam menciptakan sejarah baru yang lebih mengarahkan peran serta kita dalam pencapaian tujuan dan visi organisasi sebagai mana telah dicetuskan oleh pendahulu-pendahulu kita.Syalom.
KONSTITUSI DALAM ORGANISASI
I. PENDAHULUAN
Untuk mengenal dan memahami sebuah organisasi, kenalilah Konstitusi-Anggaran dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga-nya!, ungkapan ini sangat tepat untuk menggambarkan bagaimana pentingnya konstitusi sebagai citra yang nyata untuk sebuah organisasi yang modern. Pada awalnya konstitusi hanyalah merupakan suatu kumpulan dari peraturan serta adat kebiasaan. Kemudian pemahaman ini berkembang menjadi semacam kerangka kehidupan politik yang dimulai pada tahun 624-404 SM sampai dengan terbentuknya De Declaration Des Droit Homme et Citoyen, sebagai cikal bakal konstitusi negara Prancis pada Tahun 1071. Dalam suatu negara, Konstitusi menjadi suatu barometer kehidupan bernegara dan berbangsa yang sarat dengan bukti sejarah perjuangan para pendahulu, sekaligus penyampaian ide-ide dasar yang digariskan oleh The Founding Fathers, serta memberikan arahan bagi generasi penerus bangsa dalam mengemudikan suatu negara yang mereka pimpin. Pada zaman modern ini konstitusi tidak hanya berisi kaidah-kaidah hukum semata tetapi juga berisi alasan keberadaan, motivasi dasar, pernyataan-pernyataan tentang keyakinan, prinsip-prinsip sampai dengan pengungkapan cita-cita yang hendak dicapai.
II. Konstitusi GMKI
Demikiaan halnya dengan Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia yang mempunyai seperangkat Konstitusi, bahwa konstitusi yang dianut tersebut tidak sebatas berisi aturan-aturan dan kaidah-kaidah yang mengatur dan mengikat dalam setiap pergerakan dan pelayanannya. Tetapi Lebih dari itu, Konstitusi GMKI-Dari Anggaran Dasar sampai Statuta Cabang-juga memuat alasan keberadaan yang melatar belakangi-Riason d’etre- lahirnya organisasi GMKI, motivasi dasar yang menjadi energi penggerak dalam setiap pergumulannya, prinsip-prinsip yang dianut sampai dengan impian yang hendak dinyatakan dalam pelayanannya yang pada prinsipnya adalah konservasi dan penyampaian nilai-nilai kepada para pemegang estafet keberlangsungan hidup organisasi.
2.1. Identitas Organisasi
a. Visi GMKI adalah hadirnya syalom Allah di tengah-tengah sejarah bangsa dan negara Indonesia (Pembukaan AD GMKI alinea 4).
b. Misi organisasi adalah dalam rangka menjalankan tugas panggilan marturia, koinonia dan diakonia (AD GMKI pasal 3 tentang Tujuan).
c. Sifat GMKI, Sifat Kemahasiswaan, Kekristenan dan Keindonesiaan
d. Ideologi gerakan GMKI adalah nasionalisme dan oikumenisme.
e. Format gerakan GMKI adalah gerakan kader, gerakan moral dan gerakan intelektual yang memiliki tugas panggilan di tiga medan pelayanan : gereja, masyarakat dan perguruan tinggi.
f. Sasaran yang hendak dicapai adalah terwujudnya GMKI sebagai organisasi kader yang tangguh.
2.2 Sistem Organisasi
AD/ART GMKI adalah aturan permainan atau aturan dasar dari organisasi GMKI. Anggaran dasar adalah aturan pokoknya dan anggaran rumah tangga adalah kelengkapan dari aturan pokok tersebut. Sistem organisasi menguraikan tentang fungsi-fungsi dari alat perlengkapan organisasi.
Konstitusi merupakan produk hukum, yang berarti mengikat, mengikat anggota maupun lembaga sebagai aparat organisasi di segala tingkatan. Konstitusi berarti pula hukum dasar yang berarti sebagai hukum yang tertinggi di mana semua hukum dan peraturan di dalam organisasi lahir daripadanya. Karena konstitusi merupakan hukum yang tertinggi dalam suatu organisasi maka konstitusi hendaknya telah dapat mengatur hal-hal pokok bagi kehidupan organisasi. Hal-hal pokok itu adalah yang mengatur kelembagaan organisasi dan yang mengatur keanggotaan serta hubungan antara kelembagaan dan anggota.
Sistem organisasi menguraikan tentang fungsi-fungsi dari alat perlengkapan organisasi. Ada beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan dalam menerapkan sistem organisasi yakni :
1. Bentuk organisasi sebagai organisasi kesatuan.
Di sini terlihat jelas suatu jenjang yang memusat sehingga kepengurusan yang tertinggi disebut sebagai Pengurus Pusat. Yang mewakili Pengurus Pusat disebut Ketua Umum dan Sekretaris Umum. Pengurus Pusat adalah penentu kebijaksanaan organisasi yang telah ditetapkan oleh kongres dan Pengurus Pusat. Badan Pengurus Cabang dipercayakan mengatur dan membina anggota dan untuk ini Badan Pengurus Cabang akan mempertanggungjawabkan kepada Konperensi Cabang dan Pengurus Pusat.
2. Alat perlengkapan organisasi yaitu wadah yang menjamin berfungsinya organisasi dalam melaksanakan tugasnya. Sebagai lembaga legislatif diaturlah Kongres pada tingkat Nasional dan konperesi cabang pada tingkat cabang. Kedua badan ini dihadiri oleh anggota. Pada tingkat Kongres anggota hadir dalam bentuk perwakilan yang ketentuannya diatur dalam peraturan organisasi dan pada tingkat cabang adalah rapat anggota yang kehadirannya diatur pula dalam aturan organisasi .
3. Sebagai kelengkapan dari hidup organisasi yang mempengaruhi pula langgam kerjanya, maka organisasi dilengkapi dengan Atribut Organisasi, Atribut adalah identitas yang kelihatan dari organisasi yang harus tetap dipelihara karena mempunyai pengaruh langsung pada “kejiwaan” anggota. Atribut organisasi adalah lambang dan mars. Penggunaan lambang dan mars ini perlu diatur dalam suatu peraturan organisasi agar melalui lambang dan mars ini akan nampak kebanggaan dan hormat terhadap organisasi.
Anggaran Dasar :
1) Pembukaan 5 alinea.
2) Ketentuan Pokok, pasal 1 – 4.
3) Sistem Organisasi, pasal 5 – 9.
4) Lain-lain, pasal 10 – 12.
Anggaran Rumah Tangga :
1) Uraian Tujuan, pasal 1.
2) Uraian Sistem Organisasi, pasal 1 – 9.
3) Atribut Organisasi, pasal 10.
4) Hierarchi Juridis, pasal 11 – 12.
III. PERATURAN ORGANISASI DAN STATUTA CABANG
3.1 Peraturan Organisasi
Berdasarkan uraian diatas, jelas bahwa tidak semua praktek – praktek kegiatan di dalam organisasi dapat terakomodir sepenuhnya oleh AD/ART maka GMKI juga memberikan peluang bagi penyusunan peraturan yang lebih terperinci seperti yang tercantum dalam pasal 12 ART yaitu memberikan kemungkinan bagi tingkat keputusan yang rendah untuk mengatur hal-hal yang belum tercantum dalam konstitusi tersebut dan di bagian penjelasan AD/ART menghendaki adanya suatu peraturan organisasi yang mengatur hal- hal yang belum tercantum dalam AD/ART GMKI. Jadi Peraturan Organisasi adalah suatu peraturan yang mengatur dan mengikat seluruh anggota dan alat kelengkapan organisasi termasuk mekanisme kerja yang belum diatur di dalam AD/ART
Penetapan Peraturan Organisasi ini memiliki landasan yuridis :
1. Pasal 11 Anggaran Rumah Tangga
2. Pasal 12 Anggaran Rumah Tangga
3. Penjelasan Anggaran Dasar/ Anggaran Rumah Tangga GMKI
4. Keputusan Kongres XVI No. 008/KXVI/GMKI/1978 tentang AD/ART GMKI
5. Keputusan Kongres XXI No. 011/KXXI/GMKI/1988 tentang GBP-KUO 1988-1990
Sistematika penulisan Peraturan Organisasi terdiri dari penjelasan umum dan penjelasan pasal demi pasal. Penjelasan ini adalah bagian integral dari peraturan organisasi. Judul pasal-pasal dalam Peraturan Organisasi diambil dari beberapa judul pasal yang terdapat dalam AD/ART yang memerlukan pengaturan lebih lanjut dan ditambah dengan beberapa pasal lain yang perlu,yaitu:
1. Ketentuan Umum (pasal 1)
2. Komisariat (pasal 7)
3. Mekanisme Protokoler (pasal 9)
4. Hak mewakili Organisasi (pasal 10)
Untuk lebih jelasnya, yang menjadi fungsi dan tujuan Peraturan Organisasi adalah mewujudkan keseragaman pemahaman terhadap konstitusi dan mewujudkan pemerataan tindak kerja seluruh aparat organisasi. Untuk mewujudkan fungsi dan tujuan tersebut perlu adanya partisipasi dan usaha dari seluruh aparat dan komponen organisasi. Di samping itu juga perlu suatu kemauan dan tekad seluruh fungsionaris dan anggota untuk memahami dan melaksanakan konstitusi dengan sebaik-baiknya guna mempertahankan eksistensi GMKI dalam rangka menegakkan misi yang diemban untuk melaksanakan tugas dan pelayanan organisasi di ketiga medan pelayanan Gereja, Perguruan Tinggi dan Masyarakat.
3.1 Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan
Statuta cabang merupakan peraturan organisasi yang mengatur hubungan dan kedudukan komisariat serta lembaga yang ada di GMKI. Peraturan ini diperlukan karena menyangkut kehadiran komisariat sebagai alat perlengkapan dan pelayanan organisasi ditingkatan cabang yang tidak diatur dalam AD/ART. Sebenarnya, Komisariat sebagai alat perlengkapan organisasi pernah dimiliki GMKI secara nasional dan tertuang dalam AD/ART GMKI. Namun pada Kongres Nasional XII GMKI tahun 1972 di Malang, kehadiran komisariat dihilangkan sebagai alat perlengkapan organisasi. Tetap di cabang Medan kehadiran komisariat tetap dipertahankan karena dirasakan bahwa komisariatlah yang mempermudah dan memperlancar aksi dan pelayanan karena dapat menjangkau para anggotanya di setiap fakultas-fakultas maupun perguruan tinggi swasta yang ada di Medan. Maka pada Konferensi Cabang GMKI Medan tahun 1978 telah merumuskan dan menetapkan Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan.
Namun di dalam perjalanannya dimana situasi dan kondisi yang terus berubah, Statuta Cabang menunjukkan banyak kelemahan dan kekurangannya. Sehingga banyak ide-ide dan usulan –usulan untuk melakukan perubahan terhadap beberapa bagian dari Statuta Cabang yang tidak relevan lagi untuk digunakan. Pada Konferensi Cabang 1981 terjadi perubahan Statuta Cabang dan pada Konferensi Cabang 1983 di Zetun, Silangit merekomendasikan BPC untuk mengangkat Panitia Perubahan Statuta Cabang. Pada tahun 1985 Konferensi Cabang di Kabanjahe telah berhasil memutuskan Perubahan Statuta Cabang berikut penjelasannya. Namun isu mengenai Perubahan Statuta Cabang kembali digulirkan karena Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan dianggap belum mengakomodir kebutuhan di GMKI Cabang Medan. Sehingga pada Konferensi Cabang tahun 1999 dan Konferensi Cabang 2001 merekomendasikan untuk membentuk Team Perubahan Statuta Cabang. Team ini dalam melaksanakan tugasnya juga mengalami beberapa hambatan dan kendala –kendala dalam merumuskannya yang disebabkan kurang aktifnya beberapa anggota tim dalam bekerja. Namun team ini dapat juga merumuskan Statuta Cabang untuk selanjutnya dibawakan pada Konferensi Cabang di Sibolangit tahun 2003. Dan setelah dikaji dan dipahami serta melalui perdebatan yang a lot akhirnya Konferensi Cabang ini menghasilkan dan menetapkan Statuta Cabang yang sah yang akan menjadi pedoman seluruh aparat organisasi dalam melaksanakan tugas –tugas organisasi di lingkungan Cabang Medan.
IV. PENUTUP
Dalam memahami konstitusi diharapkan bahwa konstitusi tidak menjadi sesuatu yang hampa, tidak sarat makna artinya tidak ada pertalian yang nyata antara pihak yang merumuskan/membuat konstitusi dengan pihak yang menjalankan konstitusi, sehingga konstitusi hanya menjadi dokumen historis semata atau justeru menjadi tabir tebal antara perumus atau peletak dasar konstitusi dengan pemegang estafet berikutnya.
Untuk mengenal dan memahami sebuah organisasi, kenalilah Konstitusi-Anggaran dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga-nya!, ungkapan ini sangat tepat untuk menggambarkan bagaimana pentingnya konstitusi sebagai citra yang nyata untuk sebuah organisasi yang modern. Pada awalnya konstitusi hanyalah merupakan suatu kumpulan dari peraturan serta adat kebiasaan. Kemudian pemahaman ini berkembang menjadi semacam kerangka kehidupan politik yang dimulai pada tahun 624-404 SM sampai dengan terbentuknya De Declaration Des Droit Homme et Citoyen, sebagai cikal bakal konstitusi negara Prancis pada Tahun 1071. Dalam suatu negara, Konstitusi menjadi suatu barometer kehidupan bernegara dan berbangsa yang sarat dengan bukti sejarah perjuangan para pendahulu, sekaligus penyampaian ide-ide dasar yang digariskan oleh The Founding Fathers, serta memberikan arahan bagi generasi penerus bangsa dalam mengemudikan suatu negara yang mereka pimpin. Pada zaman modern ini konstitusi tidak hanya berisi kaidah-kaidah hukum semata tetapi juga berisi alasan keberadaan, motivasi dasar, pernyataan-pernyataan tentang keyakinan, prinsip-prinsip sampai dengan pengungkapan cita-cita yang hendak dicapai.
II. Konstitusi GMKI
Demikiaan halnya dengan Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia yang mempunyai seperangkat Konstitusi, bahwa konstitusi yang dianut tersebut tidak sebatas berisi aturan-aturan dan kaidah-kaidah yang mengatur dan mengikat dalam setiap pergerakan dan pelayanannya. Tetapi Lebih dari itu, Konstitusi GMKI-Dari Anggaran Dasar sampai Statuta Cabang-juga memuat alasan keberadaan yang melatar belakangi-Riason d’etre- lahirnya organisasi GMKI, motivasi dasar yang menjadi energi penggerak dalam setiap pergumulannya, prinsip-prinsip yang dianut sampai dengan impian yang hendak dinyatakan dalam pelayanannya yang pada prinsipnya adalah konservasi dan penyampaian nilai-nilai kepada para pemegang estafet keberlangsungan hidup organisasi.
2.1. Identitas Organisasi
a. Visi GMKI adalah hadirnya syalom Allah di tengah-tengah sejarah bangsa dan negara Indonesia (Pembukaan AD GMKI alinea 4).
b. Misi organisasi adalah dalam rangka menjalankan tugas panggilan marturia, koinonia dan diakonia (AD GMKI pasal 3 tentang Tujuan).
c. Sifat GMKI, Sifat Kemahasiswaan, Kekristenan dan Keindonesiaan
d. Ideologi gerakan GMKI adalah nasionalisme dan oikumenisme.
e. Format gerakan GMKI adalah gerakan kader, gerakan moral dan gerakan intelektual yang memiliki tugas panggilan di tiga medan pelayanan : gereja, masyarakat dan perguruan tinggi.
f. Sasaran yang hendak dicapai adalah terwujudnya GMKI sebagai organisasi kader yang tangguh.
2.2 Sistem Organisasi
AD/ART GMKI adalah aturan permainan atau aturan dasar dari organisasi GMKI. Anggaran dasar adalah aturan pokoknya dan anggaran rumah tangga adalah kelengkapan dari aturan pokok tersebut. Sistem organisasi menguraikan tentang fungsi-fungsi dari alat perlengkapan organisasi.
Konstitusi merupakan produk hukum, yang berarti mengikat, mengikat anggota maupun lembaga sebagai aparat organisasi di segala tingkatan. Konstitusi berarti pula hukum dasar yang berarti sebagai hukum yang tertinggi di mana semua hukum dan peraturan di dalam organisasi lahir daripadanya. Karena konstitusi merupakan hukum yang tertinggi dalam suatu organisasi maka konstitusi hendaknya telah dapat mengatur hal-hal pokok bagi kehidupan organisasi. Hal-hal pokok itu adalah yang mengatur kelembagaan organisasi dan yang mengatur keanggotaan serta hubungan antara kelembagaan dan anggota.
Sistem organisasi menguraikan tentang fungsi-fungsi dari alat perlengkapan organisasi. Ada beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan dalam menerapkan sistem organisasi yakni :
1. Bentuk organisasi sebagai organisasi kesatuan.
Di sini terlihat jelas suatu jenjang yang memusat sehingga kepengurusan yang tertinggi disebut sebagai Pengurus Pusat. Yang mewakili Pengurus Pusat disebut Ketua Umum dan Sekretaris Umum. Pengurus Pusat adalah penentu kebijaksanaan organisasi yang telah ditetapkan oleh kongres dan Pengurus Pusat. Badan Pengurus Cabang dipercayakan mengatur dan membina anggota dan untuk ini Badan Pengurus Cabang akan mempertanggungjawabkan kepada Konperensi Cabang dan Pengurus Pusat.
2. Alat perlengkapan organisasi yaitu wadah yang menjamin berfungsinya organisasi dalam melaksanakan tugasnya. Sebagai lembaga legislatif diaturlah Kongres pada tingkat Nasional dan konperesi cabang pada tingkat cabang. Kedua badan ini dihadiri oleh anggota. Pada tingkat Kongres anggota hadir dalam bentuk perwakilan yang ketentuannya diatur dalam peraturan organisasi dan pada tingkat cabang adalah rapat anggota yang kehadirannya diatur pula dalam aturan organisasi .
3. Sebagai kelengkapan dari hidup organisasi yang mempengaruhi pula langgam kerjanya, maka organisasi dilengkapi dengan Atribut Organisasi, Atribut adalah identitas yang kelihatan dari organisasi yang harus tetap dipelihara karena mempunyai pengaruh langsung pada “kejiwaan” anggota. Atribut organisasi adalah lambang dan mars. Penggunaan lambang dan mars ini perlu diatur dalam suatu peraturan organisasi agar melalui lambang dan mars ini akan nampak kebanggaan dan hormat terhadap organisasi.
Anggaran Dasar :
1) Pembukaan 5 alinea.
2) Ketentuan Pokok, pasal 1 – 4.
3) Sistem Organisasi, pasal 5 – 9.
4) Lain-lain, pasal 10 – 12.
Anggaran Rumah Tangga :
1) Uraian Tujuan, pasal 1.
2) Uraian Sistem Organisasi, pasal 1 – 9.
3) Atribut Organisasi, pasal 10.
4) Hierarchi Juridis, pasal 11 – 12.
III. PERATURAN ORGANISASI DAN STATUTA CABANG
3.1 Peraturan Organisasi
Berdasarkan uraian diatas, jelas bahwa tidak semua praktek – praktek kegiatan di dalam organisasi dapat terakomodir sepenuhnya oleh AD/ART maka GMKI juga memberikan peluang bagi penyusunan peraturan yang lebih terperinci seperti yang tercantum dalam pasal 12 ART yaitu memberikan kemungkinan bagi tingkat keputusan yang rendah untuk mengatur hal-hal yang belum tercantum dalam konstitusi tersebut dan di bagian penjelasan AD/ART menghendaki adanya suatu peraturan organisasi yang mengatur hal- hal yang belum tercantum dalam AD/ART GMKI. Jadi Peraturan Organisasi adalah suatu peraturan yang mengatur dan mengikat seluruh anggota dan alat kelengkapan organisasi termasuk mekanisme kerja yang belum diatur di dalam AD/ART
Penetapan Peraturan Organisasi ini memiliki landasan yuridis :
1. Pasal 11 Anggaran Rumah Tangga
2. Pasal 12 Anggaran Rumah Tangga
3. Penjelasan Anggaran Dasar/ Anggaran Rumah Tangga GMKI
4. Keputusan Kongres XVI No. 008/KXVI/GMKI/1978 tentang AD/ART GMKI
5. Keputusan Kongres XXI No. 011/KXXI/GMKI/1988 tentang GBP-KUO 1988-1990
Sistematika penulisan Peraturan Organisasi terdiri dari penjelasan umum dan penjelasan pasal demi pasal. Penjelasan ini adalah bagian integral dari peraturan organisasi. Judul pasal-pasal dalam Peraturan Organisasi diambil dari beberapa judul pasal yang terdapat dalam AD/ART yang memerlukan pengaturan lebih lanjut dan ditambah dengan beberapa pasal lain yang perlu,yaitu:
1. Ketentuan Umum (pasal 1)
2. Komisariat (pasal 7)
3. Mekanisme Protokoler (pasal 9)
4. Hak mewakili Organisasi (pasal 10)
Untuk lebih jelasnya, yang menjadi fungsi dan tujuan Peraturan Organisasi adalah mewujudkan keseragaman pemahaman terhadap konstitusi dan mewujudkan pemerataan tindak kerja seluruh aparat organisasi. Untuk mewujudkan fungsi dan tujuan tersebut perlu adanya partisipasi dan usaha dari seluruh aparat dan komponen organisasi. Di samping itu juga perlu suatu kemauan dan tekad seluruh fungsionaris dan anggota untuk memahami dan melaksanakan konstitusi dengan sebaik-baiknya guna mempertahankan eksistensi GMKI dalam rangka menegakkan misi yang diemban untuk melaksanakan tugas dan pelayanan organisasi di ketiga medan pelayanan Gereja, Perguruan Tinggi dan Masyarakat.
3.1 Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan
Statuta cabang merupakan peraturan organisasi yang mengatur hubungan dan kedudukan komisariat serta lembaga yang ada di GMKI. Peraturan ini diperlukan karena menyangkut kehadiran komisariat sebagai alat perlengkapan dan pelayanan organisasi ditingkatan cabang yang tidak diatur dalam AD/ART. Sebenarnya, Komisariat sebagai alat perlengkapan organisasi pernah dimiliki GMKI secara nasional dan tertuang dalam AD/ART GMKI. Namun pada Kongres Nasional XII GMKI tahun 1972 di Malang, kehadiran komisariat dihilangkan sebagai alat perlengkapan organisasi. Tetap di cabang Medan kehadiran komisariat tetap dipertahankan karena dirasakan bahwa komisariatlah yang mempermudah dan memperlancar aksi dan pelayanan karena dapat menjangkau para anggotanya di setiap fakultas-fakultas maupun perguruan tinggi swasta yang ada di Medan. Maka pada Konferensi Cabang GMKI Medan tahun 1978 telah merumuskan dan menetapkan Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan.
Namun di dalam perjalanannya dimana situasi dan kondisi yang terus berubah, Statuta Cabang menunjukkan banyak kelemahan dan kekurangannya. Sehingga banyak ide-ide dan usulan –usulan untuk melakukan perubahan terhadap beberapa bagian dari Statuta Cabang yang tidak relevan lagi untuk digunakan. Pada Konferensi Cabang 1981 terjadi perubahan Statuta Cabang dan pada Konferensi Cabang 1983 di Zetun, Silangit merekomendasikan BPC untuk mengangkat Panitia Perubahan Statuta Cabang. Pada tahun 1985 Konferensi Cabang di Kabanjahe telah berhasil memutuskan Perubahan Statuta Cabang berikut penjelasannya. Namun isu mengenai Perubahan Statuta Cabang kembali digulirkan karena Statuta Cabang GMKI Medan dianggap belum mengakomodir kebutuhan di GMKI Cabang Medan. Sehingga pada Konferensi Cabang tahun 1999 dan Konferensi Cabang 2001 merekomendasikan untuk membentuk Team Perubahan Statuta Cabang. Team ini dalam melaksanakan tugasnya juga mengalami beberapa hambatan dan kendala –kendala dalam merumuskannya yang disebabkan kurang aktifnya beberapa anggota tim dalam bekerja. Namun team ini dapat juga merumuskan Statuta Cabang untuk selanjutnya dibawakan pada Konferensi Cabang di Sibolangit tahun 2003. Dan setelah dikaji dan dipahami serta melalui perdebatan yang a lot akhirnya Konferensi Cabang ini menghasilkan dan menetapkan Statuta Cabang yang sah yang akan menjadi pedoman seluruh aparat organisasi dalam melaksanakan tugas –tugas organisasi di lingkungan Cabang Medan.
IV. PENUTUP
Dalam memahami konstitusi diharapkan bahwa konstitusi tidak menjadi sesuatu yang hampa, tidak sarat makna artinya tidak ada pertalian yang nyata antara pihak yang merumuskan/membuat konstitusi dengan pihak yang menjalankan konstitusi, sehingga konstitusi hanya menjadi dokumen historis semata atau justeru menjadi tabir tebal antara perumus atau peletak dasar konstitusi dengan pemegang estafet berikutnya.
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